Palestine: The EU, and
Ireland, follows the US
By David Morrison
ccun.org, May 15, 2008
Ireland hasn’t got an independent policy on Palestine. It
follows EU policy, which in practice means US policy, since the EU
is yoked to the US (along with Russia and the UN Secretary-General)
in the so-called Middle East Quartet.
The picture the Quartet likes to present to the world is one of a
body devoted to mediating between Israel and the Palestinians to
arrive at a political settlement. In reality, its purpose is
to provide a veneer of international legitimacy for US policy and
actions in the region. The bizarre presence of the UN
Secretary-General in the Quartet is useful for this purpose.
Whenever possible, the US gets the Quartet to publicly endorse what
it wants to do. If this isn’t possible, the US does what it
wants to do without the imprimatur of the Quartet, in the sure and
certain knowledge that the other members of the Quartet won’t
criticise its actions in public.
The EU follows the US
Lest there be any doubt about this, listen to Alvaro de Soto, who
was the UN Secretary-General’s Middle East envoy for two years until
his retirement in May 2007. In his End of Mission report to
the UN Secretary-General, which was very critical of the
Secretary-General’s role in the Quartet, he wrote:
“Whatever the Quartet was at the inception, let us be frank with
ourselves: today, as a practical matter, the Quartet is pretty much
a group of friends of the US – and the US doesn’t feel the need to
consult closely with the Quartet except when it suits it.”
[1] (paragraph 63)
(For further details, see my article UN Secretary-General has toed
US line in the Middle East
[2])
Or listen to Graham Watson, British Liberal Democrat MEP and leader
of the ALDE Group in the European Parliament, speaking to the
Parliament on 10 March 2008:
“The major condemnation of the European Union in all of this is that
we have followed blindly the strategy of the Americans. Marc Otte,
the European Union’s Special Representative, speaking to our
Delegation for relations with the Palestinian Legislative Council
recently, said that, on strategy, the European Union follows the
USA. The most obvious result of this is that Palestinian
infrastructure, funded by the European taxpayer, is being regularly
destroyed by the Israeli army using American weapons. Should we be
committing European money in this way, in these circumstances?”
[3]
Looking in from the outside, it is fairly obvious that the EU
tailends the US in the Quartet. Marc Otte has confirmed it
from the inside.
January 2006 elections
Two years ago in January 2006, Hamas contested elections to the
Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) for the first time. By
then it had been on a truce for nearly a year, having announced a
truce and ceased suicide bombings in Israel in February 2005.
In these elections, Hamas won 44.5% of the “national list” vote and
74 out of the 132 seats in the PLC, compared with Fatah’s 45.
It is worth emphasising that nobody, not even President Bush,
questioned the fairness of these elections. Hamas won, and won fair
and square.
But, taking its cue from the US, the EU refused to accept the result
of the elections and refused to deal with either of the two
Hamas-led governments set up in the next eighteen months.
Instead, the EU joined the US in collectively punishing Palestinians
by withdrawing economic aid to the Palestinian government, because
44.5% of them had dared to vote for an organisation of which the
US/EU disapproved. Ireland never uttered a word of dissent
from this scandalous refusal to accept the result of what were free
and fair elections.
Both of the Hamas-led governments were properly established in
accordance with the Palestinian constitution (the Basic Law
[4]).
In each case, Ismail Haniyeh was duly appointed as Prime Minister by
President Mahmoud Abbas. In each case, also, the government
put together by Haniyeh sought, and was given, a vote of confidence
by the PLC as required by Article 79(4) of the Basic Law, which
states:
“The Prime Minister and any of the Ministers shall not assume the
duties of their positions until they obtain the confidence of the
PLC.”
The second of these governments, established in March 2007, was a
National Unity Government, which included ministers from Fatah and
other parties in the PLC, plus independents.
EU supports overthrow
In June 2007, the EU supported the overthrow of this properly
constituted government and its replacement by an entity led by Salam
Fayyad that has no democratic validity whatsoever.
Fayyad’s main qualification for the post was his popularity in
Washington. It wasn’t the first time that this qualification
had earned him a seat in government in Palestine: in 2001, the US
forced Yasser Arafat to accept him as Finance Minister and he served
in this post until the Fatah government resigned after their defeat
by Hamas in January 2006.
Fayyad was elected to the PLC in January 2006 as the leader of the
Third Way party, which received 2.4% of the “national list” vote and
got 2 seats on the PLC. So, a Hamas Prime Minister,
whose party got 44.5% of the “national list” vote, and won 74 seats
overall, has been replaced by a Third Way Prime Minister, whose
party got 2.4% of the “national list” vote, and has 2 seats overall.
The US/EU has finally brought democracy to the Middle East !
Fayyad has never sought a vote of confidence from the PLC for the
“government” he put together – because he hasn’t a hope in hell of
getting a vote of confidence. Nevertheless, the EU, including
Ireland, now deals with this entity as if it were the legitimate
government of the Palestinian Authority.
US foments civil war
The overthrow of the Hamas-led National Unity Government in June
2007 was the culmination of 18 months of US plotting to undo the
result of the January 2006 elections. This was detailed by
David Rose in an article entitled The Gaza Bombshell in the April
2008 issue of the US magazine Vanity Fair. Here’s an extract:
“Vanity Fair has obtained confidential documents, since corroborated
by sources in the U.S. and Palestine, which lay bare a covert
initiative, approved by Bush and implemented by Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice and Deputy National Security Adviser Elliott
Abrams, to provoke a Palestinian civil war. The plan was for forces
led by Mohammed Dahlan, and armed with new weapons supplied at
America’s behest, to give Fatah the muscle it needed to remove the
democratically elected Hamas-led government from power.”
[5]
Even though Hamas won the PLC elections, and took the leading role
in the governments formed as a result, it never succeeded in taking
control of the various Palestinian security services (14 in all)
built up under Yasser Arafat. Fatah managed to retain control
of them, including of substantial forces in Gaza, so Hamas was
always vulnerable – which is why it set up its own 6,000-strong
Executive Force in Gaza.
The US plan was for Fatah-controlled forces in Gaza under Mohammed
Dahlan to eliminate this Executive Force and take control of Gaza.
To that end, the US organised the reinforcement of the
Fatah-controlled forces in Gaza in April/May 2007. Correctly
surmising that this was a portent of an attack on it, Hamas took
pre-emptive military action and within a few days Gaza was under its
control. Most of the Fatah-controlled forces didn’t fight.
For the previous year or so, the US had been putting immense
pressure on President Abbas to dismiss Haniyeh as Prime Minister and
appoint Fayyad in his stead, as the President is allowed to do under
the Article 45 of the Basic Law. On 14 June 2007, after Hamas
routed the Fatah-controlled forces in Gaza, Abbas finally did as the
US told him. However, as I have said, Fayyad has never sought
a vote of confidence for his “government” from the PLC and therefore
isn’t a legitimate government under the Basic Law. Indeed,
until he receives such a vote of confidence, the National Unity
Government led by Haniyeh is the legitimate government under the
Basic Law.
These events are constantly described as a Hamas coup in Gaza.
In reality, what happened was a US-backed Fatah coup, which
overthrew the legitimate Hamas-led National Unity Government.
The coup wasn’t fully successful, because pre-emptive military
action by Hamas prevented the Fatah takeover of Gaza that the US
planned.
The EU would no doubt claim that its hands are clean, that it had
nothing to do with the dirty business of fomenting civil war in
Palestine, in which its partner in the Quartet was engaged.
Alvaro de Soto tells
[1] of a meeting of the Quartet in early 2007, when a US envoy
rejoiced at the near civil war between Hamas and Fatah in Gaza, in
which civilians were being regularly killed and injured. “I
like this violence”, he exclaimed (twice). The EU, including
Ireland, kept its mouth shut as the US fomented civil war in
Palestine.
But when the National Unity Government was overthrown and replaced
by the illegitimate Sayyad-led entity, the EU rushed to support it.
A statement issued on 15 June 2007 said:
“The EU Presidency emphatically supports President Abbas’ decision,
in keeping with the Palestinian Basic Law, to dismiss the government
and to appoint a caretaker government for the Palestinian
territories.”
[6]
That promotes the lie that the Sayyad-led entity is a legitimate
government established in a accordance with the Basic Law.
Ireland has put its name to that lie.
More collective punishment
Since June 2007, Israel’s military and economic pressure on Gaza has
increased to unprecedented levels. Hundreds of Palestinians
have been killed in Gaza in the first three months of 2008, 106 in
five days from 27 February to 3 March. In a report issued on 6
March 2008, a group of NGOs including Trócaire, CAFOD, Oxfam,
Amnesty International and Christian Aid said that “the situation for
1.5 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip is worse now than it has
ever been since the start of the Israeli military occupation in
1967”
[7].
This has produced mild criticism from the EU, but nothing more.
For example, an EU Presidency statement on 2 March 2008 said:
“The Presidency condemns the recent disproportionate use of force by
the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) against Palestinian population in
Gaza and urges Israel to exercise maximum restraint and refrain from
all activities that endanger civilians. Such activities are contrary
to international law.”
[8]
The Irish Government has reacted in a similar manner. Replying
to a question in the Dail on 11 March 2008, from Labour TD, Michael
D Higgins, Foreign Minister, Dermot Ahern, went so far as to
describe Israel’s economic strangulation of Gaza as “collective
punishment”:
“I remain deeply concerned about the worsening humanitarian
situation in Gaza. It is unacceptable that Israel should isolate the
people of Gaza and cut off essential supplies in order to exert
pressure on them to reject Hamas. I agree with the United Nations
that this constitutes collective punishment and is illegal under
international humanitarian law.”
[9]
Collective punishment of people under occupation is contrary to
Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention.
The Euro-Med Agreement
As part of what is known as the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership
[10],
which was established in 1995, the EU has Association Agreements
with a number of states on the southern and eastern Mediterranean.
These Agreements involve, inter alia, preferential trade
arrangements with the EU. An Agreement was signed with Israel
in 1995, which came into force in 2000
[11].
Article 2 of this Agreement makes clear that Israel’s privileged
access to the EU market is conditional on Israel respecting “human
rights and democratic principles”. It states:
“Relations between the Parties, as well as all the provisions of the
Agreement itself, shall be based on respect for human rights and
democratic principles, which guides their internal and international
policy and constitutes an essential element of this Agreement.”
Sinn Fein TD, Aengus Ó Snodaigh, asked Dermot Ahern on 11 March 2008
“if he will call on all other EU member states to suspend
preferential trade with Israel”, because of recent human rights
violations by Israel. But Ahern categorically refused, saying:
“There have been calls for suspension or review of the
Euro-Mediterranean Association Agreement with Israel in protest at
military operations and human rights violations. The Government is
opposed to any such move, which would in any case require consensus
within the European Union.”
Israel has killed hundreds of Palestinians in the past few months
and produced the worst humanitarian crisis in Gaza since Israel’s
occupation began in 1967, by what Dermot Ahern agrees is collective
punishment contrary to international humanitarian law. There
isn’t the slightest doubt, therefore, that because of these actions
Israel is in breach of its human rights obligations under Article 2
of the Agreement and that the Agreement should be suspended.
But the Government says No. One is left wondering what has
Israel to do in order to provoke the Irish Government into
supporting the suspension of the Agreement.
Dermot Ahern sought to justify the Government’s stance by saying
that suspension would require “consensus within the EU”. That
comes close to admitting that Ireland cannot have an independent
foreign policy, because of its membership of the EU.
Dermot Ahern continued:
“It [the suspension of the Agreement] would not serve the interests
of any of the parties. Meetings of the Association Council with
Israel provide the opportunity for the EU to highlight its concerns
on the human rights implications of Israel’s security policies.”
That argument doesn’t stand up: on the contrary, there’s a very good
chance that even a threat to suspend the Agreement would cause
Israel to ease, if not cease, its collective punishment of Gaza.
Israel’s privileged access to the EU market is very important to it,
both economically and politically, so even a threat that this access
might be denied would most likely cause it to make life easier for
the people of Gaza. One thing is certain: talking to Israel at
meetings Association Council will make no impact whatsoever on
Israel.
Dealing with Hamas
In the course of answering Michael D Higgins, Minister Ahern
described Hamas as “a strong entity within the region” which “will
at some stage have to be part of the solution rather than the
problem”. Therefore, “we will have to find a method for
dealing with it sooner rather than later”, he concluded.
This is sheer hypocrisy from a Minister in a Government which, at
the behest of the US and Israel, has gone along with the Quartet
policy of isolating Hamas and in June 2007 acquiesced in the
overthrow of the legitimate Hamas-led National Unity Government.
An opportunity to deal with Hamas existed two years ago in January
2006, when, for the first time, it stood for PLC elections and won a
majority of the seats. By the time of the elections, Hamas had
engaged in no military activity against Israel, either in Israel
itself or in the Occupied Territories, for nearly a year (although
other groups, for example, Islamic Jihad, had done so). And
Hamas spokesmen were making it clear to anybody who would listen
that it was seeking a long term truce with Israel, the price being
Israeli withdrawal from the Occupied Territories.
There could hardly have been a more favourable time for “dealing
with” Hamas and perhaps bringing a measure of peace to Palestine.
But, instead of taking this opportunity, the EU, with the shameful
acquiescence of Ireland, refused to accept the verdict of the ballot
box and joined with the US and Israel in collectively punishing
Palestinians – and kept quiet while the US fomented civil war
amongst Palestinians.
What is more, the EU stood idly by while the new Olmert government
kidnapped Hamas PLC members in the West Bank and engaged in a fierce
military assault against Hamas in Gaza, despite it being on
ceasefire (see my article Israel: The West stands idly by
[12]). More than a 100 Palestinians, over half of then
non-combatants, were killed in less than 3 months.
Hamas stuck to its ceasefire, in the face of this fierce assault,
until 25 June 2006 when with other groups it mounted an attack on
Israeli troops at Kerem Shalom outside Gaza, as a result of which
two Israeli soldiers were killed and Gilad Shalit was captured.
This was the excuse for Israel to further intensify its murderous
assault on Gaza and collectively punish its inhabitants by bombing
its only power station. Again, the EU stood idly by. In
all, nearly 700 Palestinians (and 23 Israelis, including 17
civilians) were killed in 2006, a year which began with Hamas on
ceasefire.
So, how does Minister Ahern propose to “find a method for dealing”
with Hamas now? He could propose in the EU that the legitimate
Hamas-led National Unity Government be reinstated. But don’t
hold your breath.
David Morrison
1 April 2008
Irish Foreign Affairs
www.david-morrison.org.uk
david.morrison1@ntlworld.com
References:
[1]
image.guardian.co.uk/sys-files/Guardian/documents/2007/06/12/DeSotoReport.pdf
[2] www.david-morrison.org.uk/palestine/DeSotoReport.htm
[3] See www.europarl.europa.eu
[4]
www.usaid.gov/wbg/misc/Amended_Basic_Law.pdf
[5]
www.vanityfair.com/politics/features/2008/04/gaza200804
[6]
www.eu2007.de/en/News/CFSP_Statements/June/0615Palaestina.html
[7]
www.oxfam.org.uk/resources/downloads/oxfam_gaza_lowres.pdf
[8]
www.eu2008.si/en/News_and_Documents/CFSP_Statements/March/0302MZZ_Gaza.html
[9] debates.oireachtas.ie/DDebate.aspx?F=DAL20080311.xml&Node=H3-2#H3-2
[10]
ec.europa.eu/external_relations/euromed/
[11] europa.eu/eur-lex/pri/en/oj/dat/2000/l_147/l_14720000621en00030156.pdf
[12]
www.david-morrison.org.uk/palestine/israel-west-stands-idly-by.htm