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 Turkey's Policies at a Crossroads: 
	 From Zero-Problems to a Heap of Trouble 
	 By Ramzy Baroud Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, October 16, 2012   It seems that media consensus has been conclusively reached: Turkey has 
	been forced into a Middle Eastern mess not of its own making; the ‘Zero 
	Problems with Neighbors’ notion, once the foreign policy centerpiece of the 
	Justice and Development Party (AKP), is all but a romantic notion of no use 
	in realpolitik. 
 Turkey’s “policy’s goal – to build strong economic, 
	political, and social ties with the country’s immediate neighbors while 
	decreasing its dependency on the United States – seemed to be within sight,” 
	wrote Sinan Ulgen nearly a year ago. “But the Arab Spring exposed the 
	policy’s vulnerabilities, and Turkey must now seek a new guiding principle 
	for regional engagement.”
 
 This reading was not entirely unique and 
	was repeated numerous times henceforth. It suggests an air of naiveness in 
	Turkish foreign policy and overlooks the country’s barely selfless regional 
	ambitions. It also imagines that Turkey was caught in a series of 
	unfortunate events, forcing its hand to act in ways inconsistent with its 
	genuine policies of yesteryears. This, however, is not entirely true.
 
 The recent skirmishes of Oct 4 at the Syrian-Turkish border were reportedly 
	invited by mortar shells fired from the Syrian side. Five people including 3 
	children were killed and the incident was Turkey’s ‘last straw.’ Turkey’s 
	Anatolia news agency reported of an official Syrian apology through the 
	United Nations soon after the shelling and the Syrian government promised an 
	investigation. However, their seriousness remains doubtful. But the Turkish 
	military was quick to retaliate, as the parliament voted to extend a 
	one-year mandate to the military in order carry out cross-border military 
	action. Irrespective of the violence at the Syrian border, the mandate was 
	originally aimed at Kurdish fighters in northern Iraq and it had already 
	been set for a pre-scheduled vote in mid-October.
 
 The peculiarly 
	evolving episode seems unreal. Not long ago, Turkish Prime Minister Recep 
	Tayyip Erdogan had, to the displeasure of Israel and the US, reached out to 
	both Syria and Iran. He referred to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad as his 
	‘brother’, knowing of the full political implications of that term. When 
	Turkey voted against Iran sanctions at the United Nations in June 2010, ‘it 
	provoked a crisis,” a Wall Street Journal article read. Later, Turkey 
	quarreled with NATO over the missile-defense initiative, a system that is 
	clearly aimed at Iran and Syria. “Turkey is becoming the Alliance's 
	‘opt-out’ member in operations in Muslim countries,” said the WSJ. These 
	developments took place at the heels of the deadly Israeli military raid on 
	the Turkish ship Mavi Marmara, which carried mostly Turkish peace activists 
	as part of a larger effort – The Gaza Freedom Flotilla – aimed at breaking 
	the siege on Gaza. Israel killed 9 Turkish civilians and wounded many more 
	on the Mavi Marmara.
 
 Erdogan and other Turkish officials rose to the 
	status of superstars among Arabs at the time when ousted Egyptian president 
	Hosni Mubarak was himself complicit in the Gaza siege. Understandably, the 
	AKP became a political model and the subject of endless academic and 
	television debates. Turkey was the brand to beat even culturally and 
	economically.
 
 Internally, Erdogan and his party were credited for 
	overseeing massive economic growth, and successfully reining in and 
	eventually integrating the once insubordinate, coup-prone military 
	leadership into a democratic system managed by elected civilians. 
	Externally, Erdogan and his Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu helped rebrand 
	and partly break the isolation of several Arab leaders, including Libya’s 
	Muammar Qaddafi. (Turkish leaders must have been fully aware of the 
	grievances of Arab peoples as they signed economic deals worth billions of 
	dollars with the very dictators they helped oust.) Although Ankara’s spat 
	with Tel Aviv didn’t translate into tangible change in Israeli or US 
	policies towards Palestinians, a level of gratification permeated: At last, 
	a country strong enough as Turkey had the courage to stand up to Israel’s 
	intransigent and calculated insults.
 
 Then Tunisia overthrew its 
	president and Turkey’s foreign policy cards were mix-up like never before. 
	If the US, France and other Western powers were inconsistent and 
	self-contradicting in their stances on uprisings, revolutions and civil wars 
	that struck the Middle East and North Africa in the last 18 months, Turkey’s 
	foreign policy was particularly muddled.
 
 Initially, Turkey responded 
	to what seemed like distant affairs with good sound bites concerning 
	people’s rights, justice and democracy. In Libya, the stakes were higher as 
	NATO was hell-bent on determining the outcomes of Arab revolts whenever 
	space allowed. Turkey was the last NATO member to sign onto the Libya war. 
	The delay proved costly as Arab media that cheered for war seemed to target 
	Turkey’s prized reputation and credibility.
 
 When Syrians rebelled, 
	Turkey was prepared. Its policy was aimed at taking early initiative by 
	imposing its own sanctions on Damascus. It went even further as it turned a 
	blind eye while its once well-guarded border area became awash with 
	smugglers, foreign fighters, weapons and more. Aside from hosting the Syrian 
	National Council (SNC), it also provided a safe haven for the Free Syrian 
	Army that operated from the Turkish borders at will. While much of that was 
	justified as righteous Turkish action to deter injustice, it was one of the 
	primary reasons which made a political solution unattainable. It turned what 
	eventually became a bloody and brutal conflict into a regional struggle. It 
	allowed for Syrian territories to be used in a proxy conflict involving 
	various countries, ideologies and political camps. Since Turkey is a NATO 
	member, it meant that NATO was involved in the Syrian conflict, although in 
	a more understated way than its war on Libya.
 
 The Kurdish dimension 
	to Turkey’s role in Syria is of course enormous. Less reported is that 
	Turkey is industriously working to control any Kurdish backlash in Syria’s 
	northeast region, thus doubling Turkey’s border conflict, which has been 
	mostly confined to northern Iraq. Writing in Turkish Today’s Zaman, Abdullah 
	Bozkurt spoke of "a high-stakes game plan for Turkey to control the 
	fast-paced developments in northern Syria using the Kurdistan Regional 
	Government (KRG) in neighboring Iraq as a proxy force without getting 
	directly involved in Syria." Moreover, Ankara has more discreetly worked to 
	compel favorable policies by the SNC regarding the Kurdish question. Bozkurt 
	further reports that “Ankara has silently pushed SNC to elect an independent 
	Kurd, Abdulbaset Sieda, in June as a compromise leader .. as a safeguard 
	measure for Turkey to exert influence over some 1.5 million Kurds in Syria.”
 
 Indeed, the so-called Arab Spring has partly confused and 
	eventually helped realign Turkish foreign policy towards Arab countries, and 
	even Iran. Turkey however was barely a passive player before or after the 
	upheaval. The impression that Turkey has stood at the fence as competing 
	agendas south of their border finally pushed Ankara to the brink, is both 
	erroneous and misleading. Regardless of how Turkish politicians wish to 
	formulate their involvement, there is no escaping that they have taken part 
	in the war against Libya, and are now entangled, to some extent by choice, 
	in the brutal mess in Syria.
 
 The sad irony is that hours after 
	Turkey’s retaliation to the Syrian fire, Israel's Deputy Prime Minister Dan 
	Meridor told reporters in Paris that an attack on Turkey is an attack on 
	NATO, an underhanded gesture of careful solidarity. He added, “If the Assad 
	regime were to fall, it would be a vital strike on Iran.” Israeli Foreign 
	Minister Avigdor Lieberman could barely hide his excitement, for what the US 
	neoconservatives failed to achieve, is now being done by proxy. Lieberman, 
	hardly a visionary, predicted a 'Persian Spring' on the way that, he urged, 
	must be supported. For Israel and the US, now that Turkey is on board, the 
	possibilities are endless.
 
 Ankara must reconsider its role in the 
	deepening calamity, and devise more sensible policies. War should not be on 
	the agenda. Too many people have died that way.
 
 - Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) 
	is an internationally syndicated columnist and the editor of 
	PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: 
	Gaza’s Untold Story (Pluto Press, London.)
 
 
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