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 Why Israel Attacked Gaza: Bibi Stirring Trouble
	 By Ramzy Baroud Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, March 19, 2012 
 The first Israel missile sped down to its target, scorching the 
	Gaza earth and everything in between. Palestinians collected the body parts 
	of two new martyrs, while Israeli media celebrated the demise of two 
	terrorists.
 
 Zuhair Qasis was the head of the Popular Resistance 
	Committee. He was killed alongside a Palestinian prisoner from Nablus, who 
	had recently been freed and deported to Gaza.
 
 Then, another set of 
	missiles rained down, this time taking Obeid al-Ghirbali and Muhammad Harara.
 
 Then, a third, and a forth, and so on. The death count began on 
	March 9 and escalated through the day. The Hamas government urged the 
	international community to take action. Factions vowed to retaliate.
 
 In these situations, Western media is usually clueless or complicit. 
	Sometimes it’s both. The Israeli army was cited readily by many media 
	outlets without challenge.
 
 The first round of attacks was justified 
	based on a claim that Qasis was involved in the planning of an attack that 
	killed seven Israelis last year. The Israel army didn’t even bother to 
	upgrade that claim – which already resulted in the killing and wounding of 
	many Palestinians. Even Israeli media had drawn the conclusion that the 
	attack then originated from Egypt, and no Palestinian was involved.
 
 Al Jazeera reported that some of the victims were decapitated, a familiar 
	scene in most of Israel’s unforgiving atrocities.
 
 Expectedly, 
	Palestinians fired back. “The national resistance brigades, the DFLP's armed 
	wing, the Al-Aqsa brigades, and the armed wing of the PRC, the An-Nasser 
	Salah Ad-Din brigades, have all claimed responsibility for rocket fire,” 
	reported Maan news agency.
 
 The incessant Israeli provocations would 
	not have been enough to end the months-long truce. Palestinians know that 
	Israeli provocations are often, if not always, politically motivated. This 
	time however, the people killed were leaders in al-Muqawama, the local 
	resistance parties. Neither Hamas’ might nor diplomacy could persuade Gaza’s 
	many factions to hold their fire. Israel knows this fact more than any other 
	party. This is why it sent such unmistakably bloody messages. Israeli needed 
	Palestinians to respond, and urgently so.
 
 But why did Israel decide 
	to ignite trouble again?
 
 To answer the question, one needs to make a 
	quick stop in Washington. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had 
	recently tried to articulate a case for war against Iran there. Unlike the 
	successful effort to isolate and strike and invade Iraq in 2003, the Iran 
	war campaign is not going according to plan.
 
 The Israelis are 
	desperate to see Iran’s nuclear facilities bombed by American bunker buster 
	bombs - some of which weigh up to 13600 kg. Israel’s former head of military 
	intelligence, Amos Yadlin, assured the ‘free world’ – a term often 
	manipulated by Netanyahu – that a bombing campaign can succeed if it’s 
	followed by the right measures. “Iran, like Iraq and Syria before it, will 
	have to recognize that the precedent for military action has been set, and 
	can be repeated,” he wrote (as cited in CNN, March 9).
 
 There is 
	growing consensus in Israel that ‘something has to be done’ - at least to 
	set back Iran’s uranium enrichment by few years, per the assurances of 
	deputy director of the Israeli Institute for National Security Studies, 
	Ephraim Kam. Republican candidates in the US, and even President Obama 
	himself, agree. But Obama, despite his groveling at the recent AIPAC 
	conference, dared to question the timing and the way in which Iran must be 
	brought to its knees. The US president is becoming increasingly isolated 
	within Washington because of his stance on Iran.
 
 It is election 
	year, and Israel knows that a window of opportunity will not be open for 
	long. “Netanyahu won a crucial battle in Washington this past week. No one 
	brought up the Palestinians. Netanyahu has quite masterfully shifted the 
	conversation to the subject of Iran,” wrote Jeffrey Goldberg in the Atlantic 
	(March 9). He is right, of course, but only within the context of ‘peace 
	process’ and conflict resolution.
 
 The Palestinians were mentioned 
	in a different context, and repeatedly so. Ephraim Kam, for example, 
	expected that thousands of rockets would rain on Israel from Hizbollah, 
	Hamas and Iran itself. The Associated Press quoted Vice Prime Minister Dan 
	Meridor as saying, “The whole of Israel (is vulnerable to) tens of thousands 
	of missiles and rockets from neighboring countries. If there is a war…they 
	are not just going to hit Israeli soldiers. The main aim is at civilian 
	populations” (Feb 20).
 
 Per this logic, the only way to prevent 
	rockets from reaching Israel is by attacking Iran. An independent Israeli 
	commentator, Yossi Melman predicted that a weakened Iran “would undoubtedly 
	have an impact on Hamas and Hezbollah” (CNN, March 9).
 
 Yes, the 
	Palestinians were infused plenty in Israeli war rhetoric. They were 
	liberally presented as the jackals who would pounce on vulnerable Israel. 
	Who would dare challenge this tired victimization narrative? Who would have 
	the audacity to point out the fact that Israel has the region’s strongest 
	army, equipped with hundreds of fully-functioning nuclear heads, while 
	Palestinians fighters – who had until recently respected the truce, although 
	Gaza’s siege was never lifted – are armed with light weapons?
 
 No 
	one in the mainstream media, of course. But then, as the supposed threat has 
	reached an all time high, Hamas spokesperson in Gaza, Fawzi Barhoum told AP: 
	“Hamas weapons and the weapons of the Palestinian resistance, in general, 
	are humble weapons that aim to defend and not to attack, and they are to 
	defend the Palestinian people…that does not give us the ability to be part 
	of any regional war.”
 
 Hamas has its own calculations independent of 
	Israel’s war momentum. But losing Hamas would jeopardize the very equation 
	Israel has been constructing for years. The ‘radical camp’ must remain 
	intact, as far as Israel is concerned. No political polarization caused by 
	the so-called Arab Spring will be allowed to endanger the Israeli narrative: 
	the radicals, the evil alliance, the threat facing the ‘free world’ and all 
	the rest. Great resources were spent on spinning the perfect story to 
	justify a preemptive war.
 
 Then, on Friday, March 2, less than two 
	days after Barhoum made his comments of ‘humble weapons’, heads began to 
	roll in Gaza. Literally. And the media machine resumed its work   
	unabashed. “Gaza Rockets fire disrupts life in Israeli south,” read a 
	headline in Israel’s Haaretz. “IDF strikes Gaza terror targets following 
	rocket barrage,” declared another in the Jerusalem Post. It’s war all over 
	again. Israeli civilians run to shelters. Sirens blare. US media reports the 
	fate of ‘besieged’ Israelis and Palestinian ‘terrorists’.
 
 It 
	matters little to them that it was Israel itself that stirred the trouble, 
	broke the truce, and fanned the flames.
 
 - Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) 
	is an internationally-syndicated columnist and the editor of 
	PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: 
	Gaza's Untold Story (Pluto Press, London).
 
 
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