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 Anti-Semitism and Israel's Inherent 
	  Contradictions  By Ramzy Baroud  Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, February 6, 2012 
 In a recent article, columnist Yaniv Halili described British 
	author Ben White as 'anti-Semitic'. He also denounced Arab Knesset member 
	Hanin Zoabi for writing a forward to White's latest book, Palestinians in 
	Israel: Segregation, Discrimination and Democracy.
 
 Those of us who 
	can see through such distorted thinking know that White is a principled 
	writer who has never displayed a shred of racism in his work. Zoabi is very 
	well-known civil rights leader with a long-standing reputation of courage 
	and poise.
 
 How could anti-racist endeavors themselves become the 
	subject of accusation by Halili and others like him?
 
 It goes without 
	saying there should be no room for any racist discourse - Islamophobia, 
	anti-Semitism, or any other - in the Palestine solidarity movement, which 
	aims at achieving long-denied justice and rights for the Palestinian people. 
	A racist discourse is predicated on racial supremacy, which is exactly what 
	Palestinians are resisting in Israel and the occupied territories.
 
 But the “Jewish and democratic state” of Israel is riddled with so many 
	contradictions, the kind that no straightforward narrative can possibly 
	capture.
 
 Many scholars and rights groups have discussed the way in 
	which irreconcilable values defined the very character of Israel from the 
	onset. According to Adalah (meaning “justice” in Arabic), the legal center 
	for Arab Minority Rights in Israel, “Israel's Declaration of Independence 
	(1948) states two principles important for understanding the legal status of 
	Palestinian citizens of Israel. First, the Declaration refers specifically 
	to Israel as a ‘Jewish state’ committed to the ‘ingathering of the exiles.’ 
	(Second)…it contains only one reference to the maintenance of complete 
	equality of political and social rights for all its citizens, irrespective 
	of race, religion, or sex.”
 
 Adalah further asserts that there is a 
	‘tension’ between the two principles. Perhaps this is the case, 
	intellectually, but in practice the Israeli political establishment has 
	resolved the seeming quandary whereby the Jewishness of the state prevails 
	above every other humanitarian, democratic or legal consideration. Racially 
	discriminating legislation is being churned out in the Israeli Knesset at an 
	alarming speed, and new laws are constantly being proposed. These include 
	“one that would end the status of Arabic as one of Israel's official 
	languages and another that would punish Israeli citizens, including Arab 
	Israelis, for refusing to pledge their allegiance to ‘Israel as a Jewish and 
	democratic state,’” according to columnist Linda Heard (Arab News, Jan 24).
 
 As for Palestinians living in the occupied territories, their legally 
	enshrined political inferiority has been felt in much harsher and often 
	bloodier ways than their brethren living in Israel. For nearly four and a 
	half decades, the Palestinians living in these territories have been losing 
	their land, livelihood, freedom of movement and even their very lives in the 
	name of the racial superiority of their occupiers. Jewish settlements are 
	illegally constructed on Palestinian land to host Jewish settlers, who use 
	Jewish-only roads to travel between their heavily fortified colonies and the 
	“Jewish state.” While numerous intellectuals, activists and ordinary members 
	of Jewish communities around the world have strongly protested Israel’s 
	treatment of the Palestinians, as well as Israel’s misuse of the Jewish 
	religion to attain political goals, Israel relies greatly on the support of 
	Jewish communities, organizations and individuals for vital funds, political 
	support and lobbying.
 
 While many Jews identify with Israel as 
	a ‘Jewish state’, “younger American Jews are more likely than their parents 
	to be acquainted with the Palestinians and their story,” reported TIME 
	magazine on September 29.
 
 The TIME story references one such youth, 
	Benjamin Resnick, 27, who decries the fact that Jewish state and American 
	liberal democracy represent two views that are ‘irreconcilable’. On the 
	other hand, he “continues to consider himself a Zionist,” who “quotes the 
	Torah in support of his view that American Jews should press Israel to end 
	settlement expansion and help facilitate a Palestinian state.” Even 
	Resnick’s political dissent is riddled with inconsistencies, where national 
	identity (as an American) clashes with ideology (Zionism) and religion (the 
	Torah) is referenced as a means to resolve the discord.
 
 The Torah 
	is put to good use repeatedly among mainstream and ardent Israeli rabbis, 
	whose edicts to kill Arabs are commonplace in Israeli media (although rarely 
	discussed in US media). The so-called King’s Torah – which is endorsed by 
	some prominent Israeli rabbis – has made it permissible to kill Palestinians 
	of all ages, including those who don’t pose a threat. “You can kill those 
	who are not supporting or encouraging murder in order to save the lives of 
	Jews,” it states in the fifth chapter, entitled “Murder of non-Jews in a 
	time of war.” The BBC elaborates: “At one point it suggests that babies can 
	justifiably be killed if it is clear they will grow up to pose a threat” 
	(July 19).
 
 This becomes particularly problematic when the lines 
	between politics, ideology and religion become so conveniently blurred. 
	Israeli and Jewish leaders borrow from the corresponding text as they find 
	suitable to achieve policies to further occupation, war and illegal 
	settlement. Alan Dershowitz, a professor at Harvard Law School, came to 
	represent the latter model. His style lacks diplomacy and logic; however, it 
	is effective in some circles because it centers around the idea of smearing 
	anyone who dares to criticize Israel. The greater tragedy is that Dershowitz 
	is provided with platforms in mainstream and rightwing Israeli media, thus 
	giving his smear campaign the means to turn any genuine discussion of Israel 
	into a controversial hate speech.
 
 While critical non-Jews are often 
	smeared as ‘anti-Semites’, jurist Richard Goldstone, who lead the UN 
	investigation into the Israeli war on Gaza., was not a mere anti-Semite for 
	concluding that Israel and Hamas had both potentially committed war crimes 
	and crimes against humanity. Dershowitz told Israeli Army Radio that 
	Goldstone is a ‘traitor to the Jewish people’. ‘The Goldstone report is a 
	defamation written by an evil, evil man,’ Dershowitz said (Haaretz, October 
	31).
 
 While the case for Palestinian rights and statehood can be 
	clear-cut – not many true-to-self intellectuals could justify ethnic 
	cleansing, defend Apartheid and rationalize murder – delving into the 
	political identity of Israel and its ideological and religious supporters 
	becomes immediately ‘controversial’. The controversy is embedded in the 
	purposeful intellectual and political elasticity by which Israel defines, or 
	refuses to define itself. It claims to be Jewish as well as democratic. It 
	claims to embody religious ideals but also to be secular. It claims to be 
	liberal, while it is militarily oppressive. It claims to uphold ‘equality’ 
	for all, while it is racially exclusive.
 
 And if you dare to 
	challenge these irreconcilable contradictions, you are termed an anti-Semite 
	or a traitor - or both.
 
 - Ramzy Baroud (www.ramzybaroud.net) 
	is an internationally-syndicated columnist and the editor of 
	PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is My Father Was a Freedom Fighter: 
	Gaza's Untold Story (Pluto Press, London).
   
 
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