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Fascism in the Gulf:
Bahrain and the Israeli Connection
By Lawrence Davidson
Redress, Al-Jazeerah, CCUN, May 16, 2011
Lawrence Davidson views the roots of the pro-democracy protests in
Bahrain, and argues that the double standards embodied in the US response
to the Bahraini regime’s violent suppression of the peaceful protests can
be directly linked not only to the desire to control the Gulf’s oil
supplies, but also to the fact that the Bahraini ruler is a
self-proclaimed ally of Israel.
Welcome to Bahrain
If you want to see how an ostensive religious regime can be corrupted
into something close to fascism, just take a look at contemporary Bahrain.
In February 2011 there were a series of non-violent demonstrations
staged mostly by the small kingdom’s Shi’i majority (approximately 70 per
cent of the country’s Muslim citizens). These were held to protest against
the discriminatory practices of the country’s Sunni monarchy.
The
protests were soon violently suppressed by the Bahraini army and police,
with the help of troops from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.
However, it was what followed the crushing of the demonstrations that
smacks of fascism. Here is how a
report, dated 6
May 2011, by Roy Gutman of the McClatchy Newspapers, puts it:
The Al Khalifah regime has
responded to peaceful protests with extreme violence and
repression |
Authorities have held
secret trials where protesters have been sentenced to death, arrested
prominent mainstream opposition politicians, jailed nurses and doctors
who treated injured protesters, seized the health care system that had
been run primarily by Shi’is, fired 1,000 Shi’I professionals and
canceled their pensions, beat and arrested journalists, and forced the
closure of the only opposition newspaper. Nothing, however, has struck
harder at the fabric of this nation, where Shi’is outnumber Sunnis
nearly 4 to1, than the destruction of Shi’i worship centres.
As an important aside that can only shake your faith in the
effectiveness of international law, it is to be noted that this repression
is being carried out by a regime that, as Stephen Lendman
tells us,
is a signatory to nearly
every major international humanitarian and human rights law,
including: the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights;
the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights;
the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment; and the Convention of the Rights of the
Child, among others.
Signing such instruments is an easy act of hypocrisy for most
dictatorships and, as we will see, the one in Bahrain treats them as a
form of convenient deception.
Sunnis and Shi’is
Today, Shi’is make up approximately 20 per cent of the world’s Muslim
population and are particularly concentrated in Iran, Iraq, Lebanon and
Bahrain.
The tension between Sunnis and Shi’is has its roots in a disagreement
over the proper order of succession following the death of the prophet
Mohammad. As a consequence the Sunni majority has always seen Shi’is as
not quite orthodox, and so has often treated them in a discriminatory
fashion.
This led to over a 1,000 years of periodic struggle and competition,
sometimes violent, between the two sects. Though none of this has been as
horrid or prolonged as the wars of religion experienced by the Christian
West, the potential for comparable blood letting is there.
I think
there is little doubt that the prophet Mohammad would strongly disapprove
of this aspect of Muslim history. In his
last
sermon to his followers, delivered during his final pilgrimage to
Mecca in 632 CE, he said, "Oh ye men, listen to my words and take them to
heart: every Muslim is a brother to every other Muslim and you are now one
brotherhood." Over the years this message has been disregarded all too
often.
The Bahraini regime, which happens to be Sunni, has certainly forgotten
this important message and treated their majority Shi’i citizenry as
anything but brothers. And, just as in every other case of prolonged
discrimination, the result has been growing resentment.
“...the truth is that King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifah
(the present ruler), his family and rest of the kingdom’s
ruling clique – pursue bigoted policies...”
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The popular uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt served as incentives for
Bahrain’s Shi’is to once more express their discontent in a non-violent
way. That the regime
blames this all on Shi’i Iran is just an excuse. It is the Bahraini
monarchy’s prejudicial policies that have brought about this situation –
the truth is that King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifah (the present ruler), his
family and rest of the kingdom’s ruling clique – pursue bigoted policies
and then call that government.
So when it comes to Bahrain, you can
forget about the fact that this is supposed to be a Muslim government.
Islam has nothing to do with its rulers’ policies.
What you have is
a minority regime which refuses to reform its indecent and inhumane ways.
It is going to hold on to power by brute force and by doing so join the
ranks of other regimes such as Pinochet’s Chile, the military dictatorship
that once massacred its own people in Argentina, the death squad regimes
of Central America, ad nauseam.
The next time King Hamad appears on the balcony of his palace to
address his supporters, the man standing next to him will no doubt be the
regime’s "Lord High Executioner". The probable candidate for this position
is Hamad’s uncle, Salman Al Khalifah, who is 75 years old and has been the
country’s prime minister for 40 years. As the
Gutman piece
tells us, that is "a current world record". This is not a Muslim Bahrain.
This is a Fascist Bahrain.
And what of the United States?
What is the American connection to all of this?
The US Fifth
Fleet, which patrols the Persian Gulf, is
headquartered at in a small 100-acre naval base at Bahrain (the base
is presently being enlarged). The US has also designated Bahrain a "major
non-NATO ally" and has a "defence pact" with that country. Thus the United
States is concerned about the fate of Bahrain.
It is
reported that, at the time of the Egyptian protests, President Barack
Obama told both the Bahraini and the Saudi regimes that they should carry
out major political reforms so as to prevent similar unrest in their own
countries.Both were aghast at this advice and furious that the Obama
administration abandoned the Mubarak dictatorship. Obama has since been
publicly silent on the issue of Bahrain.
This is what happens when
you climb into bed with dictators. If you are not willing to walk away
from them, you must turn a blind eye to their behaviour. Historically,
this has not been a problem for most American administrations. Abandoning
Egypt’s Mubarak seems to be an exception to the rule.
Ever since
the Egyptian protests ousted Mubarak, Washington’s rhetoric has been
confusing.
President Obama has often attempted to lay down what
sounds like basic
principles – ones reflecting "who we [Americans] are as a nation".
That is the kind of language he invoked to justify intervention in Libya.
We were going to "protect civilians" because that is who we are and that
is what people like us do.
Well, if this is a basic principle, if
we allegedly act in this humane way as a function of who we are, should we
not be consistent in our behaviour? What about the unfortunate Bahraini
Shi’is who are being trampled in a fascist manner by a dictatorship every
bit as bad, if not worse, than the one in Libya? I could easily throw in a
number of other friendly regimes which have equal fascist potential such
as Saudi Arabia and Jordan. Syria and Iran don’t quite fit here because
they are presently not our friends.
“Alas, this is about more than oil. The dictators we
now back are accepting of Israel and turn blind eyes to
the destruction of the Palestinian people. The democracies
that might replace them are not likely to feel the same
way.”
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Obama, with his principled rhetoric, has run into the inevitable
problem of double standards. It is the kind of problem that makes you want
to be an isolationist.
However, there is supposedly too much at stake to just walk away from a
place like Bahrain.
For one thing there is the issue of keeping
Middle East oil in "friendly" hands. And just how big an issue is that?
There is an old saying that has gone around Washington for decades and it
is framed in the form of the question: "what are the Arab leaders who sit
on a lot of oil going to do with it? Drink it?"
In other words, oil
is a commercial product. It does not matter if the Saudis or the Bahrainis
or the Iraqis or the Iranians, etc. agree with you or not. Whoever ends up
in charge is going to sell their oil. So why support dictatorial regimes?
Why not back the protesters? We are all for democracy, or so we claim.
Alas, this is about more than oil. The dictators we now back are
accepting of Israel and turn blind eyes to the destruction of the
Palestinian people. The democracies that might replace them are not likely
to feel the same way. We already have intonations of this in post Mubarak
Egypt.
This situation has actually made undeclared allies of Israel
and bloody regimes such as that in Bahrain, where
King Hamad has
admitted cooperating with Israel.
Israel, in turn, has one of
the strongest lobbies in Washington and, most of the time, shapes
America’s Middle East foreign policy, particularly in Congress.
Then there is our shared, if exaggerated, fear of Shi’i Iran. Israel and
its allied lobbies drive this fear forward in the US and our dictator
friends, like the Saudis and the Bahrainis, are also obsessed by it.
Remember, the protestors in Bahrain are overwhelmingly Shi’i. If they were
successful, Bahrain would most likely be a place friendly toward Iran.
That would never do.
Conclusion
The year 2011 is not the first time Bahrain’s Shi’is have protested
their plight. There were protests throughout the 1990s which ended with
the proclamation of the
National Action Charter, promising equality of opportunity for all.
This statement of theory has obviously not been sufficiently translated
into practice. It turned out to be a convenient deception – hence the 2011
troubles.
There is no reason to believe that the suppression of the
2011 protests marks the end of Bahrain’s problems. As noted, most of the
kingdom’s protests have been non-violent. However, with the fascist
tactics now adopted by the regime, non-violence is probably not going to
be the popular response next time around. It is simply the case that, over
time, the violence of the oppressed rises to the level of the violence of
the oppressor. The next time there will likely be civil war in Bahrain.
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