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Is Obama Serious About a Palestinian
State?
By David Morrison
ccun.org, June 9, 2009
The phrase “two-state
solution” didn’t cross the lips of Israeli Prime Minister, Binyamin
Netanyahu, at his press conference with President Barack Obama in the
White House on 18 May 2009. Netanyahu did express “the desire to
move the peace process forward” and went as far as to say that he wants
Palestinians to “govern themselves”, telling Obama: “I share with
you very much the desire to move the peace process forward. And I
want to start peace negotiations with the Palestinians immediately.
I would like to broaden the circle of peace to include others in the Arab
world … .
”I want to make it clear that we don’t want to govern the
Palestinians. We want to live in peace with them. We want them
to govern themselves, absent a handful of powers that could endanger the
state of Israel.”
[1] The final clause contains the rub – he wants Palestinians
to govern themselves, except in areas where, on the grounds of “security”,
Israel deems it necessary to govern them. Not that this is much
different from previous Israeli Governments, which never left much doubt
that any Palestinian “state” would be effectively under Israeli control.
In US national security interests Obama made it clear at the press
conference that achieving a “two-state solution” was now a US foreign
policy objective. He said: “I have said before and I will
repeat again that it is I believe in the interest not only of the
Palestinians, but also the Israelis and the United States and the
international community to achieve a two-state solution in which Israelis
and Palestinians are living side by side in peace and security.”
He later repeated the view that “pursuing Israeli-Palestinian peace” is in
“the United States’ national security interests”. A corollary of
this is that, should the Israeli Government refuse to pursue a two-state
solution, then US national security interests would diverge from those of
Israel, with the implied threat that the US would then have to pursue its
own interests. George Mitchell, Obama’s Special Envoy for Middle
East Peace, has had very little to say in public about his mission, but he
has used a similar formulation repeatedly, at the stops on his travels
around the Middle East, so the formulation has obviously been carefully
prepared. For example, in Jerusalem on 16 April 2009, he said:
“Policy of the United States under President Obama is clear. Beyond any
doubt it is in the United States national interest that there be a
comprehensive peace settlement in the middle east which would include
settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict with a two-state solution
involving a Palestinian state living side by side alongside the Jewish
state of Israel in peace and hopefully stability and prosperity.”
[2]
As far as I am aware, the US has not used this formulation before.
Freeman on US interests Obama has not spelt out in what sense
a two-state solution is in the national interests of the United States,
apart from a vague implication that achieving it, or at least working
even-handedly towards it, is necessary to improve US relations with the
Muslim world. When I came across Obama’s use of this formulation,
it reminded me of remarks by Charles W Freeman, whom Obama appointed as
Chairman of the US National Intelligence Council last February, but who
later resigned, having come under attack from the Israeli lobby in the US
(see
[3]). Over several years, Freeman has dared to state the
obvious about US-Israel relations, namely, that Israel’s oppression of
Palestinians, and America’s continual and uncritical support for Israel,
is a generator of anti-American sentiment in the Muslim world and a
recruiting sergeant for al-Qaeda. For example, in a speech on 24 May
2007, he urged the US to act in its own interests, which, he asserted,
were not the same as Israel’s: “There will be no negotiation
between Israelis and Palestinians, no peace, and no reconciliation between
them – and there will be no reduction in anti-American terrorism – until
we have the courage to act on our interests. These are not the same as
those of any party in the region, including Israel, and we must talk with
all parties, whatever we think of them or their means of struggle.
“Refusal to reason with those whose actions threaten injury to oneself,
one's friends, and one's interests is foolish, feckless, and
self-defeating. That is why it is past time for an active and honest
discussion with both Israel and the government Palestinians have elected,
which – in an irony that escapes few abroad – is the only democratically
elected government in the Arab world. “But to restore our
reputation in the region and the world, given all that has happened, and
to eliminate terrorism against Americans, it is no longer enough just to
go through the motions of trying to make peace between Israelis and Arabs.
We must succeed in actually doing so. Nothing should be a more urgent task
for American diplomacy.”
[4] So,
according to Freeman, it is in the US national interest to bring about a
settlement between Israelis and Arabs in Palestine – not least because it
would make the US safer by removing a ground for generating anti-US
sentiment, and al-Qaeda recruits, in the Muslim world. Scowcroft &
Brzezinski on US interests The present US administration has not
deployed this argument. But, people close to Obama are doing so.
Listen to this: “Osama Bin Laden did not commission attacks in New
York and Washington, DC to ‘free Palestine’. Yet tens of millions of young
men and women in the Arab world and the Muslim world beyond – the products
of demographic ‘youth bulges’ in challenged economies – are targeted for
recruitment by al-Qaeda and its affiliates partly on the basis of ongoing
defeat, injustice and humiliation in the Arab-Israeli context. Some of
these recruits have found their way to Iraq. Others no doubt await
opportunities to strike at American interests and persons … . “ …
it is essential that the incoming administration make Arab-Israeli peace a
high national security priority from the beginning. A comprehensive
Arab-Israel peace will not erase al-Qaeda. Yet it would help drain the
swamp in which the disease thrives and mutates.” This is from a
document, entitled A Bipartisan Statement on U.S. Middle East Peacemaking
[5], containing recommendations to the Obama administration from a
bipartisan group of ten former senior government officials, including
Brent Scowcroft and Zbigniew Brzezinski, who were National Security
Advisers to, respectively, President George HW Bush and President Jimmy
Carter. Brzezinski was a foreign policy adviser to Obama during his
election campaign. Since 9/11, Israel has attempted to portray its
oppression of Palestinians as a part of the US “war on terror” against
al-Qaeda, even though Israel has rarely if ever been an al-Qaeda target.
Under the previous US administration, this ludicrous portrayal was never
questioned. Now, Scowcroft, Brzezinski et al are stating the obvious
– that the “ongoing defeat, injustice and humiliation” of Palestinians by
Israel, and US backing of Israel, is a recruiting sergeant for al-Qaeda.
Since 9/11, protecting the US homeland, and US interests abroad,
from al-Qaeda has been an obsession in US politics. So, if bringing
about a settlement in the Middle East comes to be seen as a means of
reducing the threat from al-Qaeda, then even the famed power of the
Israeli lobby in the US would have difficulty resisting a determined
attempt by the US administration to force Israel into allowing a
Palestinian state to be set up. Determined attempt? This begs
several rather large questions. First, will Obama really make a
determined attempt to establish a Palestinian state? Second, is
there the remotest chance of a state that could reasonably be described as
viable and independent being established?. To do so would require
the US to apply enormous and unprecedented pressure on Israel. Or
will Obama end up pressurising Palestinians – by far the weaker party – to
accept an entity that is neither viable nor independent? A factor
working against the latter is that the outcome has to serve the US purpose
of making its peace with the Muslim world and helping reduce the threat
from al-Qaeda. The signs are that Obama is going to make a
determined attempt. This is not going to be a rerun of Annapolis, in
which the US was a disinterested bystander in a process embarked upon by a
lame duck president with only twelve months of his presidency left.
In those circumstances, it was very easy for Israel to spin the process
out to an unsuccessful conclusion. This time, a president with at
least four, and maybe eight, years in the White House ahead of him has
declared that establishment of a Palestinian state is in the US national
security interest. This time, the US is not going to be a
disinterested bystander. This time, all Israel’s talents for
prevarication and obstruction will have to be deployed in an attempt to
spin the process out to an unsuccessful conclusion. “Big trouble”,
if Israel attacks Iran The prevarication and obstruction has begun.
In advance of his visit to Washington, it looked as if Netanyahu would try
to put negotiations with Palestinians on the long finger by focussing
attention on the (alleged) threat to Israel’s existence from Iran’s
nuclear activities. But, Obama saw that one off by arguing
that a settlement in Palestine would make it easier to get international
co-operation for dealing with Iran. He put it this way at the press
conference: “To the extent that we can make peace … between the
Palestinians and the Israelis, then I actually think it strengthens our
hand in the international community in dealing with a potential Iranian
threat.” This cannot be denied, so Netanyahu will have to give the
appearance of being willing to negotiate with Palestinians, while Obama
pursues negotiations with Iran. Meanwhile, Obama sent CIA
Director, Leon Panetta, to Israel in late April to meet Netanyahu and warn
him not to attack Iran’s nuclear facilities. See Jerusalem Post
article, entitled CIA head: Jerusalem knows not to attack Iran, published
on 20 May 2009
[6], which quotes Panetta as saying: “Yes, the Israelis are
obviously concerned about Iran and focused on it. But [Netanyahu]
understands that if Israel goes it alone, it will mean big trouble. He
knows that for the sake of Israeli security, they have to work together
with others.” Israel’s political leaders are almost unanimous in
saying that Iran is, or is about to become, a threat to Israel’s
existence. Now, Obama has forbidden Israel to take the action that
many of them say is essential to counter the threat. That is an
extraordinary thing for him to do, and it is even more extraordinary for
him to make public the fact that he has done it. Recognise Israel
as a Jewish state? Netanyahu did attempt to lay down a pre-condition
for negotiations, namely, that Palestinians “will have to recognize Israel
as a Jewish state”. The Olmert Government made the same demand prior
to the Annapolis conference in November 2007, but President Abbas, as PLO
Chairman, rejected it and there was no mention of “a Jewish state” in the
Joint Understanding between Olmert and Abbas on that occasion
[7].
Abbas has rejected it again this time and it is unlikely that the US will
allow Netanyahu to halt the process before it begins over this issue.
It is worth noting that, when the PLO recognised Israel’s right to exist
at the time of the Oslo Agreement, the character of the state was not
defined. PLO Chairman, Yasser Arafat’s letter to Israeli Prime
Minister, Yitzhak Rabin, merely said: "The PLO recognizes the
right of the State of Israel to exist in peace and security." (see, for
example,
[8]) Palestinian leaders have always rejected out of hand
demands that they recognise Israel as a Jewish state – for good reasons.
First, accepting that Israel is a Jewish state would be tantamount to
giving up the right of Palestinians to return to Israel. After all,
why should non-Jews be allowed to return to live in what is acknowledged
to be a Jewish state? Second, accepting that Israel is a Jewish
state would compromise the status of the nearly 1.5 million Palestinians
living in Israel now. It would call into question whether they as
non-Jews should have the same rights as Jews in Israel, or even whether
should they be allowed to remain in Israel. The Roadmap In
April 2003, the US published a document setting out a framework for
negotiations between Israel and the PLO, called is A performance-based
roadmap to a permanent two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict
[9].
Obama seems to be determined that this Roadmap will form the basis for
future negotiations – and that this time, unlike Annapolis, Israel will
have to fulfil the pre-conditions contained in it. Phase I of the
Roadmap requires Israel to take the following steps: (a)
“Israeli leadership issues unequivocal statement affirming its commitment
to the two-state vision of an independent, viable, sovereign Palestinian
state” (b) “GOI [Government of Israel] immediately
dismantles settlement outposts erected since March 2001”, and (c)
“Consistent with the Mitchell Report, GOI [Government of Israel] freezes
all settlement activity (including natural growth of settlements)”.
At the time, the Israeli Government, headed by Ariel Sharon, approved the
Roadmap by 12 votes to 7, but entered 14 reservations
[10]. However, these reservations did not relate to points (a),
(b) or (c). Netanyahu, Sharon’s successor as leader of Likud and
Prime Minister, hasn’t specifically repudiated the Roadmap, mindful
perhaps of the fact that Israel (and the US) is forever demanding that
Palestinians stick to past agreements. However, he is not prepared
to commit to the objective of it, that is, a two-state solution to the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Freeze settlement activity Nor is
he prepared to abide by the pre-condition to “freeze all settlement
activity”. Obama said at the press conference: “I shared
with the Prime Minister the fact that under the roadmap and under
Annapolis that there’s a clear understanding that we have to make progress
on settlements. Settlements have to be stopped in order for us to
move forward. That’s a difficult issue. I recognize that, but
it’s an important one and it has to be addressed.” That’s not very
precise, but in an interview with Al Jazeera the next day, Secretary of
State, Hillary Clinton, was more precise: “… we want to see a stop
to settlement construction, additions, natural growth – any kind of
settlement activity.”
[11]
She was even more precise, and insistent, on 27 May 2009 after a
meeting with Egyptian Foreign Minister, Ahmed Ali Aboul Gheit:
“With respect to settlements, the President was very clear when Prime
Minister Netanyahu was here. He wants to see a stop to settlements – not
some settlements, not outposts, not natural growth exceptions. We think it
is in the best interests of the effort that we are engaged in that
settlement expansion cease. That is our position. That is what we have
communicated very clearly, not only to the Israelis but to the
Palestinians and others. And we intend to press that point.”
[12]
Netanyahu didn’t have the courage to say anything about settlements
at his press conference with Obama. However, when he returned to Israel,
he declared that settlement activity would not be frozen, saying on 24 May
2009: "We do not intend to build any new settlements, but it
wouldn't be fair to ban construction to meet the needs of natural growth
or for there to be an outright construction ban.”
[13]
In an attempt to mollify the US about refusing to freeze settlement
activity, it looks as if Israel is going to make a show of dismantling a
few outposts, which, if past experience is anything to go by, will be
reconstructed within hours. According to a Ha’aretz report
[14],
Defense Minister, Ehud Barack, the person responsible for dismantling
outposts, says he is going to dismantle 22 (out of well over a hundred).
(However, according to the same report, Foreign Minister, Avigdor
Lieberman, says that “Israel should only evacuate outposts as part of a
comprehensive peace plan”. He also said that the Roadmap was “the
only valid peace process for Israel” and that Israel “was not bound by
commitments it made at the 2007 Annapolis peace conference to pursue the
creation of a Palestinian state”. Could the Israeli Foreign
Minister be ignorant of the fact that the Roadmap commits Israel (a) to
pursue the creation of a Palestinian state, (b) to immediately dismantle
all settlement outposts erected since 2001, and (c) to freeze all
settlement activity?) Jerusalem undivided On 21 May 2009, just
after he got home from Washington, Netanyahu spoke at a Jerusalem Day
ceremony – and ruled out Israel relinquishing any part of Jerusalem.
He said: “United Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. Jerusalem has
always been - and always will be - ours. It will never again be divided or
cut in half. Jerusalem will remain only under Israel's sovereignty.”
[15] The US State Department responded, saying:
“Jerusalem is a final status issue. Israel and the Palestinians have
agreed to resolve its status during negotiations. We will support their
efforts to reach agreements on all final status issues.”
[16]
Jerusalem is one of the final status issues specified in the Roadmap
– the others are borders, refugees and settlements. PLO
pre-conditions The Palestinian position on negotiations with the
Israeli Government was set out in a statement by Saeb Erakat for the PLO
on 5 May 2009
[17].
He was responding to Netanyahu’s speech to AIPAC when he called for a
“fresh approach” to peace between Palestinians and Israelis. Erakat
replied: “Successive Israeli governments have failed to implement
their obligations under existing agreements. When Netanyahu speaks of a
fresh approach to peace, implementing Israel’s obligations under existing
agreements is precisely the fresh approach that Palestinians and the
international community expect of his government. “This includes
an immediate freeze on all settlement activity, particularly in and around
occupied East Jerusalem, and lifting all restrictions on freedom of
movement and access for Palestinians both in and out of, as well as
within, the occupied Palestinian territory, including an immediate end to
the siege on Gaza. “And Netanyahu must explicitly endorse the
establishment of an independent, viable and sovereign Palestinian state,
which remains the cornerstone of the two-state solution. Negotiations for
their own sake, without a clearly defined end goal, are no substitute for
a just and lasting peace. “A commitment to past agreements, and
implementation of Israel’s existing obligations, will create the
environment needed to rebuild the legitimacy and credibility of the peace
process, and send a message that the Palestinians have a partner for
peace.” Erakat said that economic prosperity for Palestinians
rested on Israel ending its occupation: “Economic development is a
right to which Palestinians are entitled, but which they have been denied
as a result of Israel’s occupation. “Israel’s regime of
checkpoints, road blocks, permits, settlements and the construction of
Israel’s Wall, which fragment the occupied Palestinian territory into
isolated cantons and strangle all freedom of movement for goods and
people, remains the major obstacle to economic development for
Palestinians. “Without a political settlement, meaning an end to
Israel’s occupation and the establishment of an independent and viable
Palestinian state, talk of economic peace will be seen for what it is,
namely an attempt to normalize and better manage the occupation.”
In an interview with Akiva Eldar of Ha’aretz on 26 May 2009, PLO
negotiator, Ahmed Qureia said: “There will be no negotiations
without an evacuation of the outposts established since 2001.”
[18].
The PLO position appears to be that there will be no negotiations with
Israel unless the Israeli leadership (a) issues an
unequivocal statement affirming its commitment to the two-state vision of
an independent, viable, sovereign Palestinian state (b)
dismantles the settlement outposts established since 2001 (c)
freezes all settlement activity (d) lifts all
restrictions on freedom of movement and access for Palestinians both in
and out of, as well as within, the occupied Palestinian territory
(e) ends the siege of Gaza The PLO has solid grounds
for setting down these pre-conditions. Points (a), (b) and (c) are
explicitly stated in the Roadmap. Points (d) and (e) are part of the
Agreement on Movement & Access, which Israel signed in November 2005 and
has signally failed to honour since. US position It remains to
be seen if the PLO will get US backing for maintaining these
pre-conditions. In theory, the US agrees with them. Speaking
at a special Security Council meeting on 11 May 2009, called by Russia to
discuss “the situation in the Middle East, including the Palestinian
question”, Susan Rice, the US Ambassador to the UN, set out the US
position on these points as follows: “This meeting of the Council
underscores the priority that the international community places on
achieving a secure, lasting and comprehensive peace in the Middle East.
That must include a two-State solution to the Israeli-Palestinian
conflict, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and
security. … “For its part, Israel must halt settlement activity
and dismantle outposts erected since March 2001. Israel must also allow
the Palestinians freedom of movement, increased security responsibilities
and access to economic opportunities. … “We strongly support
reopening Gaza’s border crossings in a controlled, sustained and
continuous manner with an appropriate monitoring regime involving
international and Palestinian Authority participation.”
[19]
The meeting was virtually unanimous on these points. Remarks by
David Miliband for the UK and by Bernard Kouchner for France were
unusually forthright about Israel’s obligations. Since the meeting
was to deal with issues of interest to Israel, it could have asked to
participate. However, it chose not to. Reading the proceedings
of the meeting, one can see why: if it had turned up, it would have been
in a minority of one on all these points. Ban Ki-Moon position
The UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-Moon, gave a report to the meeting, which
contained blistering criticism of Israel’s behaviour. Here’s a
sample: “Palestinians continue to see unacceptable unilateral
actions in East Jerusalem and the remainder of the West Bank — house
demolitions, intensified settlement activity, settler violence and
oppressive movement restrictions due to permits, checkpoints and the
barrier, which are intimately connected to settlements. The time has come
for Israel to fundamentally change its policies in this regard, as it has
repeatedly promised to do but has not yet done. Action on the ground,
together with a genuine readiness to negotiate on all core issues,
including Jerusalem, borders and refugees, based on Israel’s existing
commitments, will be the true tests of Israel’s commitment to the
two-State solution.” “I am convinced that the policy of continued
closure of the Gaza Strip does not weaken Israel’s adversaries in Gaza,
but does untold damage to the fabric of civilian life. Nearly four months
after the conflict, in which 3,800 houses and two health-care centres were
destroyed, and 34,000 homes, 15 hospitals, 41 health-care centres and 282
schools sustained varying degrees of damage, we cannot get anything beyond
food and medicine into Gaza to assist a population that had been in the
midst of a war zone. This is completely unacceptable. “I call on
Israel to respond positively to repeated calls to allow glass, cement and
building materials into Gaza. In the aftermath of the war and given the
level of human suffering now evident on the ground, I seek the support of
all members of this Council and the Quartet for the United Nations efforts
in Gaza. We are ready to work with local businessmen to help start action
to repair and rebuild houses, schools and clinics. I can assure all
Council members that we will continue to ensure the full integrity of
programmes and projects.”
[19]
UN Secretary Generals are normally very circumspect in what they says
about member states, particularly states that are allies of the US.
It is a sign of the times that Ban Ki-Moon felt able to deliver that.
He knew the US wouldn’t disapprove. David Morrison
www.david-morrison.org.uk
References:
[1]
www.whitehouse.gov/the_press_office/Remarks-by-President-Obama-and-Israeli-Prime-Minister-Netanyahu-in-press-availability/
[2]
www.state.gov/p/nea/rls/rm/2009/121832.htm
[3]
www.david-morrison.org.uk/us/freeman-unseated.htm
[4]
www.mepc.org/whats/usleadership.asp
[5]
www.usmep.us/usmep/wp-content/uploads/official-a-last-chance-for-a-two-state-israel-palestine-agreement-11.pdf
[6]
www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1242212421175&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle
%2FShowFull
[7] www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/928652.html
[8]
www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1242212406828&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle
%2FShowFull
[9]
news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/middle_east/2989783.stm
[10] www.haaretz.com/hasen/pages/ShArt.jhtml?itemNo=297230
[11]
www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2009a/05/123671.htm
[12]
www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2009a/05/124009.htm
[13]
www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1087368.html
[14]
www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1087368.html
[15]
www.mfa.gov.il/MFA/Government/Speeches+by+Israeli+leaders/2009/
Address_PM_Netanyahu_Jerusalem_Day_21-May-2009.htm
[16]
www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2009/05/123833.htm
[17]
www.nad-plo.org/inner.php?view=news-updates_050509
[18]
www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1088237.html
[19]
www.david-morrison.org.uk/scps/20090511.pdf
David Morrison
www.david-morrison.org.uk
david.morrison1@ntlworld.com
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