War in Heaven: The Arms
Race in Outer Space. Helen Caldicott and Craig Eisendrath
A Book Review By Jim Miles
ccun.org, March 23, 2008
In this short volume, Helen Caldicott and Craig Eisendrath (New Press,
N.Y., 2007) provide a sharp and concise analysis of the American nuclear
weapons industry and its many ramifications for society and the peoples
of the world in general. While they see the big picture, they ably
document the details of theory and practice of the (mostly) American
push towards bigger and better (deadlier and more accurate) nuclear
armaments that accompany the American push towards global dominance.
The work rises from a conference in 2005 titled
“Full Spectrum Dominance” sponsored by Caldicott’s Nuclear Policy
Research Institute, and the subsequent articles following that
conference. The title, as most should recognize, is borrowed from the
neocon military agenda of the same name, formulated in part by the many
neocon members of the Bush administration, many successful holdovers
from the Reagan administration. This work examines the current
administration’s efforts towards a full militarization of outer space
(more correctly ‘near’ space as is evident from the details provided in
the text of what is useful and functional as well as imaginary and
fantastical), their desire to control the world by global surveillance
and space based military action, and to deny the use of outer space
weapons systems to any other contender.
Starting with a short historical account of the developments leading to
the full spectrum dominance stage, the authors discuss the advent of
satellite technology - its role with national pride, its development as
valid scientific instruments, finally moving into the realm of
monitoring the agreements on nuclear tests as well as monitoring as
advanced warning systems. The latter was and remains in part, a
section of the mutually assured destruction regime that guarded against
false starts in the earth based ICBM nuclear war scenarios.
The focus starts with the Outer Space Treaty of 1967 that while still
operational and flawed in certain respects, “does lay down a body of
international law covering a number of important issues and provides
directions for avoiding an outer space arms race.”
Unfortunately, current events – the Chinese and Americans displaying tit
for tat abilities at destroying satellites with reasonably basic
technology - tells that we are in the embryonic stages of an outer space
arms race. I use the word embryonic guardedly yet authentically,
as the gestation period has been long, and probably will remain long
until any real successes are made, yet early attempts indicate the
possibility of a space-dominated war. The United Nations, as
the forum for the treaty of 1967, is currently “attempting” another
treaty that addresses “the omissions in the treaty with a still more
comprehensive treaty prohibiting all orbital weapons and providing
verification procedures,” yet for eight years the U.S. veto has
“prevented the Geneva based Conference on Disarmament from engaging in
negotiating an international treaty prohibiting weapons in space.”
Along with the space surveillance capabilities of satellites, the U.S.
has “perfected its technical capacities in weapons guidance”, (probably
not a fully accurate statement with its absolute of perfection) while
renewing the call for missile defence systems, none of which so far have
been proven effective and are generally considered highly ineffective.
Now the U.S. is turning to actually arming space itself, to destroy
other countries’ satellites (and their possible space weapons as a
response to U.S. initiatives) and to be able to apply immediate response
to any militarily desired response on earth.
Caldicott and Eisendrath then present arguments about the peaceful uses
of outer space, the two main ones being communication in general and the
understanding of and reporting of weather in all its manifestations.
Accompanying that is the purely scientific exploration of space and the
increased knowledge of how our solar system works, providing us with,
perhaps, some unknown future direct benefits as well as the current
knowledge of humanity’s place within a significantly broader
perspective. In conclusion they write, “As the Bush administration
continues its retreat to an outdated and inappropriate Cold War
mentality, and moves toward the weaponization of space as a unilateral
venture, the entire use of space for peaceful purposes is threatened.”
The section on “Missile Defense” highlights several features of the new
U.S. governance style that are of concern. First is the abrogation
of the ABM treaty in 2001 by invoking the threat of terrorism, and the
lack of Constitutional support for the withdrawal, and supported by the
courts with a rather lame argument about “political questions” being
left to the “political branches of the government.”
Following this, the U.S. set up double standards, contradictory
standards, when events in North Korea, Iran, and India are compared.
Ultimately, though, it is China that is the target, with a rising
economy, a strong military with some dozen or two ICBMs targeted on the
U.S., and an increasing influence in the ‘developing’ world with all the
attachments there with resources and markets.
From those arguments, the authors then discuss the actuality of the U.S.
plans for “The Weaponization of Outer Space.” After a brief look
at the money that transfers back and forth between corporations and
government, the arguments for weaponization uses language that employs
“rhetoric of complete dominance and hegemony, not multilateral
cooperation or diplomacy.” These plans include weaponized
satellites to launch attacks against other satellites or against ground
targets. Accompanying this are the countermeasures that other
countries would then take to match or counter the actions of the U.S.
technology.
The end results are several, but mainly “it impoverishes the nation, and
does little or nothing for U.S. security.” The scenario of space
wars, if applied, would “sacrifice precious peaceful uses” to achieve “a
nerve wracking state; space would be unstable, punctuated by challenges
to U.S. dominance and a worldwide state of tension [terror for the
average citizen].” The authors’ final statement of the chapter
leaves me uncomfortable, either through bad wording, but also perhaps
revealing another bias of U.S. exceptionalism, that “Now, when it has
military supremacy, is the time to work out the agreements that will
ensure its future.” Its future as what? Global hegemon?
Militarized star wars scenarios are scary, but continuing military
supremacy, and continuing political/financial supremacy are also scary,
not quite so dramatic and direct, but in the long term, still quite
devastating to millions of global citizens.
In “Alternatives to Weapons in Outer Space” the authors look at the
problems associated with a “continuous undefined war on terror,” the
gathering of power into an imperial presidency, and proceeds with laying
out arguments and ideas that would lead to an international treaty on
the de-weaponization of outer space. The conclusion is that “That
tools for this effort are already in place….The United States must with
urgency move away from its unilateral position, and join its
co-habitants on this planet.” Certainly the tools are there,
they always have been, but the statements coming from the presidential
candidates only indicate that the same old plans will continue in effect
under a new administration.
In a society as highly militarized as the U.S. supports, a change of
direction will only come on the heels of some other catastrophe.
Even that might not be enough, as the whole economic system of
capitalism has long been symbiotic with the military support that guards
the markets and resources required to fuel the wealth of the homeland.
I would hope that Caldicott’s and Eisendrath’s call that it will happen
if we demand it would be true, but more pessimistically, the dead weight
of economic, military, political, and economic forces will not readily
be turned astray without some final death throes inflicted either on the
world, or the American populace (witness the current financial meltdown
and the new political controls established by the war on terror)…or
both.
Jim Miles is a Canadian educator and a regular
contributor/columnist of opinion pieces and book reviews for The
Palestine Chronicle. His interest in this topic stems originally
from an environmental perspective, which encompasses the militarization
and economic subjugation of the global community and its commodification
by corporate governance and by the American government. Miles’
work is also presented globally through other alternative websites and
news publications.