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Superclass: The Global Power
Elite and the World They are Making, by David Rothkopf
A Book Review By Jim Miles
ccun.org, June 30, 2008
Superclass - The Global Power Elite and the World They are Making.
David Rothkopf. Viking Canada, Penguin Group, Toronto. 2008
This book is written by a person with the right credentials to do so, as
David Rothkopf has worked within the edges of the Superclass. As he
describes his credentials, "I came to this book with not an insignificant
amount of personal experience - experience that has given me useful
perspectives into the connective tissue of the global super class and
introduced me to representatives of the group from every sector and from
every region of the world."
Not surprisingly, his position comes out in support of this superclass
group, as perceived through the lenses of finance and power, lenses that too
frequently call on the guru of globalization, Thomas Friedman, for support
of his views. Globalization, as perceived in Rothkopf's terms is good,
and in a summary statement, that is more of a "well duh" factor, says that
for all the power clusters "we have examined, it becomes clear that the most
powerful are the most global." The "clusters" that he looks at are the
usual ones implicated in the problems of globalization by its many
detractors: the military, politics, finance, and religion.
His final argument in simplest terms is that the nation state as we have
envisioned it has ended and that we - the people of the globe I assume -
need a superclass to lead us into the future. Built into his
conclusion is a well known contradiction - that while Rothkopf needs the
superclass to lead us powerless folks, at the same time he recognizes that
"Without the emergence of countervailing power centers to represent and
ultimately institutionalize the will of the people at large, we will
continue to get only partial solutions." Unfortunately as he observes
earlier in the book, this superclass is quite open about its own
self-interest and greed and is not really concerned about the rest of us.
All that is well and good and it does make for some informative reading -
starting off with the statistics that highlight the enormity of this groups
personal wealth and power -
but Rothkopf's presentation never does support the idea that "many in this
group have made enormous contributions to the well-being of the planet."
At the end of it all, the only benefit I can remember from the text without
a direct review are the pop culture likes of Bono contributing a certain
level of pop commonality to their millions spent on relieving the suffering
of Africans, of the Bill Gates foundation donating so many millions to their
chosen causes, the Bill Clinton initiatives that apparently "commits" the
individual concerned to action in their chosen sphere of interest, or
Richard Bronson's pledge on future profits that may never occur (a
contradiction recognized by Rothkopf). In reality it all adds up in my
mind to the tokenism of perception about the benevolence of the rich. The
question is, what really has this group done for the world, for the
"well-being of the planet," other than to gather wealth and power into their
own hands?
Rothkopf of course would argue that they offer us the next level of
government, the one that supersedes the nation state, and that because no
other organization exists that can do this, then by default, the superclass
is it. The main reason as posited by Rothkopf is that they are all
leaders, and all are well educated, and all are can do types of people, they
are the "elites". In contrast to democracy (see below), the idea of "elites"
pervades the book. Elitism in Rothkopf's view is good. A review
of Amy Chua's recent works will help the reader more clearly define the
"elite" group in a broader sense [1] and a reading of James Laxer’s The
Perils of Empire continues the discussion with the problems of elites. Even
as admitted by Rothkopf, the elites wish to remain the elites, they do not
really care about the rest of us, and, unbelievable as it may be to the
elites, by contrast there are many others in the world who have great if not
better ideas and are also leaders, but perhaps without the influence that
superclass wealth can purchase.
Another argument presented by Rothkopf is the old standby that many millions
have been lifted out of poverty under this group's leadership, an old
standby statistic to support the financial globalization of the world.
Going on the over-used statistic of GDP that is true, but that statistic
also hides an enormity of inequality that indicates that, no, perhaps not so
many are lifted out of poverty. A similar argument under the guise of
"free markets" about increasing wealth is contradicted by other ideas:
first, there are no free markets as judged by the many rules and regulations
imposed on countries to make the markets free and the double-standards
applied by the rich towards the poor; and secondly, the countries that have
succeeded best in the late twentieth, early twenty-first centuries are those
that have gone against, or skirted around, the dictates of the World Bank,
the IMF and the WTO. [2]
I agree the superclass elites are it, they have been it, and will continue
to be it, but other than the feigned beneficence of the group presented
above, applying a superficial veneer of assistance to problems they might
actually care about but would not allow to disrupt their accumulation of
wealth and power, what have they actually done?
The next level of government is already here and it already is the
superclass. For all the interesting material provided in the book, and
for its sometimes frank honesty that makes the superclass not so pure of
intent, there are some significant omissions in the book that tend to
destroy my acceptance of Rothkopf's belief that this group can lead the
world successfully into the future. One of those omissions is hugely
significant, that of the aforementioned WTO - the World Trade Organization.
Only once does the WTO receive mention in the book, and that is only in a
passing anecdotal reference on another topic. This is the group that
admits to "colluding" in private (a "tautology" to be sure), that admits
that it is writing the rules for a new global governance, that has written
those rules and had them implemented in dozens of bilateral and multilateral
trade agreements around the world, without the examination of the supposed
democratic institutions of those countries (or as only given lip-service to
people’s democratic choice as in Canada and the NAFTA agreement, passed into
effect against the majority wishes of the population). The think tank
behind the WTO, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
(OECD) is composed of a smaller group of more powerful countries and their
elite representatives, and it as well is not mentioned in the text.
For all that I have read, for all the fuss that has been made over it, for
all the mention it receives in the media, to omit talking about the WTO
appears to be a major error while discussing globalization and the rules and
regulations of how we the people are to be governed by the elites.
Another major omission is that of democracy, a topic hardly raised in the
book, a rare word in this text, and one would then have to infer that
democracy is not paramount in the minds of the superclass - we know best, we
have power, and we will not let it be regulated by the masses of ignorant
and poor people that populate our world. There is nothing democratic
about any of the financial structures of the world - perhaps between
themselves as they collude for their own bigger piece of the pie, but
corporations are in no way democratic, the military is in no way democratic
(unless perhaps there is global conscription including the sons and the
daughters of the wealthy class), religion is very definitely a male
hierarchy of power, and even though politics at the lower level pretends to
be democratic, the real power still resides with the wealthy, and the
business class who do - really - collude against the best interests of the
global masses. As indicated by Rothkopf, "The financial hurdles to the
highest office in the United States are so high that it is inconceivable
that one could surmount them without rich and powerful allies from both the
private and public sectors."
There is no possible way that I can conceive of a world democracy that is
led by the superclass. Rothkopf, as many others do, derides the UN as
a failure without explaining perhaps why it is a failure. Is it
because the most powerful country simply ignores it except when it is useful
for its own purposes to curry international favour? The idea behind
the UN is good, but the set-up is anachronistic with the five so-called
super-powers having a veto on any decision of importance. Regardless
of any other arguments pro or con, the UN does not work because the powers
that be do not want to be globally democratic, do not want to stop their
accumulation of wealth from their empires - it is quite simply a
non-democratic institution and will remain that way unless the global
"elites" really and truly want the world to become more democratic, a highly
unlikely proposition.
While Rothkopf does discuss the military, he does so in a manner that omits
its real importance to business and empire - that of sustaining the empire
and making the world amenable to the application of "free market" dictates
(yes, an oxymoron). He does discuss the many liaisons between business
and government and politics, all seemingly natural to him as that is the
world that he operates within, admittedly on the edges. What he does
not examine, as has Chalmers Johnson, Andrew Bacevich and others [3], is the
use of the military to support the rich with their many incursions around
the world, their hundreds of bases in hundreds of countries that keeps the
markets in line with corporate interests, and their significant financial
influence in many electoral areas throughout the U.S. With that kind
of democracy, we do not need dictators. I'll quickly return to Thomas
Friedman, the pro war and pro free market guru who first expressed it well
with his terminology of the "hidden fist" of the military backing up all the
corporate wealth that is good for America.
These omissions - the WTO, democracy, and the use of the modern military -
tend to void any constructive elements that Rothkopf might try to introduce.
There is no argument that the superclass is powerful and the elites and are
leading the world in the direction they want to go, and taking the likes of
Rothkopf with them as he enjoys the ride from a somewhat lesser but still
higher viewpoint than the vast majority of us. But now I'll return
briefly to my question - what have they done for us?
Let's see: global warming, environmental degradation, militarism and
war, media control and advertising-propaganda for consumption, over
consumption, increasing disparities between the elites and the rest of us,
soaring energy costs, soaring food costs, the privatization of the commons
for more wealth, increasing financial stress as the trickle down effect is
revealed as being a rather powerful vacuum to the elites and the simply
wealthy, religious intolerance. Little of this affects the elites as
they have the power and wealth to ride over it all, able to secure their own
comfort zone while the world they have created starts to implode.
Highly pessimistic, yes, yet it needs to be presented that all this too has
been brought to you by the elites to counteract the arguments that they have
been wonderful benefactors for the world's population.
A final word on globalization. Should Rothkopf ever read this review,
I could probably accurately infer that I would be dismissed as an
anti-globalization proponent. He seems to see the two groups as white
and black, good and bad, with few nuances in between. His globalized
world is a financial/political/military one. I am very much a believer
in globalization, but in the sense of fair wages and fair trade - there is
no “free” trade, that is just excellent spin and the part of free that needs
to be most free but is not is labour. Globalization as I see it also
includes the open exchange of technology and ideas in all areas, the
equalization of social services (universal health care, universal education,
child care, women’s rights, labour rights, environmental protections,
cultural protections) and the freedom to travel in a world that could be
essentially unarmed yet still policed. Globalization is thus for all
people and not just the elites, the superclass and their wealth.
All that said, Superclass is a worthwhile read in order to better understand
the mind set and intentions of the superclass elites. But remember the
omissions, they are significant. If Rothkopf does not consider them
significant, then he needs to tell us why they are not significant,
especially considering all the political drizzle about freedom and democracy
that seeps from the minds of the same elites.
[1] see Amy Chua, World on Fire. Anchor Books, Random House, New York, 2004;
and Day of Empire, Doubleday, New York, 2007.
[2] as I have indicated in previous reviews there are many authors to read
concerning the supposed successes and real failures of the IMF, World Bank,
and WTO: see Stiglitz’ Globalization and Its Discontents, Greg
Grandin’s Empire’s Workshop, Ha Joon Chang’s Bad Samaritans, and Walden
Bello’s Dilemmas of Domination, and Gibbon et al, A Blighted Harvest The
World Bank and African Agriculture in the 1980s for starters.
[3] see Andrew Bacevich American Empire and The New American Militarism;
Chalmers Johnson’s trilogy of Blowback, The Sorrows of Empire and Nemesis;
James Carroll’s Crusade and House of War; with many other volumes available
relating it all to the current occupations of Afghanistan, Iraq, and
Palestine.
Jim Miles is a Canadian educator
and a regular contributor/columnist of opinion pieces and book reviews for
The Palestine Chronicle. Miles’ work is also presented globally
through other alternative websites and news publications.
jmiles50@telus.net
www.jim.secretcove.ca/index.Publications.html
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