Doug Dowd's "At the Cliff's Edge", 
				Part I
				A Book Review By Stephen Lendman
				ccun.org, June 24, 2008
				
				 
				At age 89, Doug Dowd is a wonder. He's still active, vibrant and 
				thankfully so. He calls himself a "radical economist" in the 
				best sense of the term, and for more than 50 years through the 
				late 1990s, he was a distinguished interdisciplinary professor 
				of economic history and more at Cornell, UC Berkelely and 
				elsewhere. It went along with his activism, progressive 
				thinking, honest concern for the least advantaged, and love of 
				teaching young people. He's no different today, except that he's 
				semi-retired, living full-time in Bolonga, Italy, nearing his 
				60th year teaching at nearby Modena University, and approaching 
				his 10th decade. 
				 
				Dowd also authored many scholarly writings, numerous articles, 
				and many books on cutting-edge economic, political and social 
				issues. Included are Capitalism and Its Economics, the 
				two-volume Broken Promises of America, and his newest and 
				subject of this review, At the Cliff's Edge: World Problems and 
				US Power.
				 
				Doud dedicates his book to his students in America and Italy. 
				"More than a few of (them) have become dear friends." They've 
				thanked him for his teaching, and this book is his "opportunity 
				to thank them."
				 
				He's witnessed history longer than most others and cites his 
				concerns. "The world now stands on 'a cliff's edge' " below 
				which he sees "four related groups of horrors: existing and 
				likely wars, a fragile world economy, pervasive and deepening 
				corruption, and the earth dangerously near the 'tipping point' 
				of environmental disaster." Add one more for good measure - a 
				disdainful administration heading the world for potential 
				disaster, uncaring about what it's doing, and leaving its mess 
				for a successor. 
				 
				For Dowd, it's ominous and disturbing. We may be at "the last 
				stop" of a centuries-long voyage. It produced 15th to 18th 
				century colonialism and nationalism. They, in turn, spawned 
				capitalism and industrialism, and then combined "transformed 
				colonialism into imperialism."
				 
				Dowd wrote his book for a purpose. He learned as a student and 
				teacher that what's in it isn't taught or publicly discussed. 
				His classes were never that way. It's why they were and are 
				still so popular, and why one of his former students asked him 
				to write a needed classroom text. As a high school social 
				studies teacher he found none that were "readable, pertinent, 
				and accessible." Dowd's book fills the vacuum. It's broad in 
				scope, clearly written, easily understood, and a wonderful 
				primer for students. Adults also, and it covers 500 years to the 
				present. In it, he's critically unsparing in his assessment - of 
				the modern era and what preceded it. 
				 
				The book is panoramic in scope. It's long and detailed, and this 
				review covers its highlights in hopes readers will get the 
				volume for it all. Plus the character of the man who wrote it 
				and now working on a new so far unfinished book with likely more 
				offerings ahead. Approaching age 90, Dowd is resilient, 
				dedicated and continues to write and teach. We're all the better 
				off for it. Read on.
				 
				In a moment of reflection, he imagines what America could and 
				should be, not what it is. Therein lies the problem. We have an 
				"unconscious way....of seeing ourselves....as something special 
				(or) better" than others. Hardly so about a country one observer 
				describes as being "a marriage of all that's admirable with all 
				that's appalling" with an emphasis on the latter now and 
				worsening. Instead of being virtuous, "we have evolved toward 
				something like its opposite." Dowd equates the gap between "our 
				realities and our ideals" to "the Grand Canyon."
				 
				And sitting in its "dirty center....are three unacknowledged 
				ways of life, attitudes, (and) values that have been mutually 
				supportive:
				 
				-- racism and other forms of prejudice;
				 
				-- ....violence and militarism; (and)
				 
				-- ....insatiable and socially sanctioned greed for money, 
				things, and power."
				 
				In his forward, Dowd gives examples but laments that they're not 
				taught in classrooms. One was the Compromise of 1877 unknown to 
				most readers. It was after the Civil War during Reconstruction 
				when northern troops occupied the South. Blacks were nominally 
				free, and southern whites were furious to see them hold office, 
				be policemen, eat in public places, and so forth. The so-called 
				Compromise ended the occupation and "freed whites to do as they 
				wished to black men, women and children." It took almost a 
				century to end Jim Crow laws, savage lynchings, and a federal 
				government committed to stopping them.
				 
				Before it happened, here's what the North got in return. The 
				right to exploit southern resources, its mines, railroads, 
				factories, cheap labor, and keep blacks de facto slaves as 
				sharecroppers with no schools, voting rights, safety or any 
				legal recourse from the state. For them, everything changed, yet 
				everything remained the same.
				 
				Another example is notable with memories of two stolen elections 
				still vivid. In the 1876 (US) presidential election, Samuel 
				Tilden got "today's equivalent of 2 million more popular votes 
				than (Rutherford B.) Hayes." In all elections, electoral college 
				votes are decisive. Hayes was awarded one more than Tilden, but 
				20 votes were disputed, so a congressional committee got to 
				decide. In secret session, a deal was struck to make Hayes 
				president. In hindsight, there's no doubt that the election was 
				stolen in similar fashion to the Supreme Court giving it to 
				George Bush in 2000. 
				 
				Marc Crispin Miller's book then documented the encore in 2004 - 
				electoral fraud writ large in a process even more one-sided than 
				in 2000. Miller's account makes persuasive reading. "Fooled 
				Again: The Real Case for Electoral Reform" shows what we're up 
				against and what to look forward to going forward unless 
				sweeping electoral reform is undertaken.
				 
				Part I - The Beginnings and Growth of the Modern World
				 
				Dowd observes how terribly wrong things are today - too much 
				poverty, hunger, war, anger, privilege and too little of what's 
				essential to make life tolerable. His book explains how it 
				evolved - "but need not stay this way."
				 
				He cites what he calls the "Big Four" - colonialism (now 
				imperialism), capitalism, nationalism, and industrialism. 
				They're "processes," not "things," and each "fed the others."
				 
				Colonialism began in the late 1400s, and "explorer-heros" like 
				Columbus advanced it. It was brutal, ugly, racist, and violent. 
				Over three centuries it spanned the world and made way for what 
				followed. Thomas Hobbes described life then as "nasty, brutish 
				and short." With today's scientific advances, it should be 
				better but isn't. It's "worse than ever....because of a 
				maldistribution of power" - too much at the top and mass misery 
				at the bottom and worsening. Add the nuclear threat and 
				potential ecological disaster, and you get the point.
				 
				As the world's leading superpower and richest nation, America 
				bears most responsibility - what's wrong and how to fix it. 
				We're not alone, but "the USA is largely responsible for 
				bringing the world to the cliff's edge."
				 
				Colonialism: The Earliest of the Big Four
				 
				It began in the Mediterranean region, then spread everywhere 
				through trade, financial activities and more. Dominant countries 
				were Spain, Portugal, but by 18th century's end the Dutch, then 
				overtaken by the British in the 19th century. Centralized 
				control became important, the national state common, and a 
				social system called mercantilism emerged to serve it. It then 
				evolved into industrial capitalism but in a much more primitive 
				form than today.
				 
				Mercantilism was based on national economic protection. 
				International trade developed, and the idea was to maximize 
				exports, minimize imports, and use revenues to finance 
				government, wars, and greater expansion. It, in turn, led to 
				capitalism, nationalism, and industrialism and all the ills they 
				produce.
				 
				Colonialism benefitted elitists who exploited cheap labor on 
				stolen and occupied lands. Millions were enslaved, and Dowd 
				calls slavery "the worst crime of all." It existed much earlier, 
				but by the 17th and 18th centuries burgeoned with trade to the 
				Americas, especially the US colonies. Rich agriculture was their 
				strength, and slave labor maintained it. Africa supplied it in 
				the many millions.
				 
				Capitalism: The Most Important of The Big Four
				 
				Capitalism is a social as well as economic system, much like 
				slavery was. First and foremost, capitalists are a money-chasing 
				"class" who've found ways to rule the "entire social process." 
				Not just our work but what we think, and that's crucial. Witness 
				the power of Big Media in an age of mass communication with 
				giant corporations and their advertisers benefitting. They 
				"shape our feelings, thoughts, and behavior as both consumers 
				and voters."
				 
				Dowd defines capital and its components - the means of 
				production, accumulation, technological advance, a powerless 
				working class, and finance to pay for it. In the modern era, add 
				another element - more than ever, government partnered with 
				business, and providing a legislative and subsidized open field 
				for profits at the expense of working people. The deck is 
				stacked in a zero sum game - business wins; people lose.
				 
				Consider the "heart, brain and muscle of capitalism:"
				 
				-- its heart - limitless exploitation of workers and the land;
				 
				-- its brain - continued economic and geographic expansion; and
				 
				-- its muscle - capitalist power and ability to rule society's 
				economic, political and social life.
				 
				Marx described it as the exploitation of human beings and Mother 
				Nature and the resulting destruction of our humanity and 
				fertility of the land. It goes back to medieval England, the 
				feudal era, a world of lords and serfs, the emergent enclosure 
				movement, and a powerless working class today called 
				"wage-slaves."
				 
				With technological advances like the steam engine and textile 
				machinery, industrialism emerged in the early 19th century. 
				Capitalism flourished, but for workers life was "nasty, brutish 
				and short." It still is for 80% of people the way economist Paul 
				Baran explained it in his Political Economy of Growth. He 
				observed what's just as true today: "the rich become richer by 
				causing the poor to become poorer." Even worse, the poor get 
				blamed for their own misfortune.
				 
				There are plenty of them, including millions in America - far 
				more than official Census Bureau numbers that deliberately 
				understate the problem at about one-fifth of the population. 
				Today, 68% of US workers earn less than the Economic Policy 
				Institute's living wage estimate for a family of four - $14 an 
				hour or about $30,000 a year. Even with two family wage-earners, 
				US poverty is likely double the Census Bureau number - in the 
				richest country in the world Dowd calls "the Unequal Society of 
				America."
				 
				Corporate capitalism requires inequality - economic, political 
				and social. Racism is one of its defining features. It pits 
				workers against each other for a dwindling number of good jobs, 
				weakens them, and strengthens those with power. It shaped 
				today's America, and consider a few of our "firsts:"
				 
				-- the number of mentally ill, 
				 
				-- incarcerated, 
				 
				-- without health coverage or too little of it, 
				 
				-- with inadequate savings or none at all,
				 
				-- indebtedness, 
				 
				-- homelessness, 
				 
				-- ill-educated,
				 
				-- illiterate, 
				 
				-- impoverished, 
				 
				-- abused children, 
				 
				-- waste, 
				 
				-- environmental degradation, 
				 
				-- nuclear weapons stockpile, 
				 
				-- a stated intention to use them preemptively, 
				 
				-- militarism and the multi-trillions it costs, 
				 
				-- the amount of public fraud, and 
				 
				-- much more. Nowhere else are excesses and inequalities 
				greater, and no country is more able to avoid them, won't, and 
				inflicts so much harm on so many people everywhere.
				 
				Nationalism: Your Country Can Do No Wrong
				 
				"Nations and nationalism came into existence and strengthened as 
				the needs for their strength arose." It has nothing to do with 
				patriotism or love of country. It's a "blood brother of racism, 
				militarism, hate and fear" and belief one's country is superior 
				and "can do no wrong." It spawns imperialism that, in turn, 
				feeds capitalism, industrialism and nationalism. It spurs 
				competition between nations and is a frequent cause of war. It's 
				key to understanding WWs I and II, what's ongoing in the Middle 
				East and Central Asia, and what may lie ahead as nations vie for 
				power, resources, markets, and cheap labor.
				 
				Industrialism: Invention Is the Mother of Necessity
				 
				It goes beyond nonagricultural production. It's about large 
				cities, a class society, enough educated people, strong 
				government, technological advances, and a modern infrastructure. 
				Dowd distinguishes between the (first) industrial revolution 
				with its steam and simple machinery. It led to a second 
				technological one because of chemistry and physics advances. 
				We're now in a third, it's global, and it's based on 
				electronics, biotechnology, information and plenty of 
				high-octane finance. Decades back, a high-school education 
				sufficed. Today, one or more college degrees are vital  and 
				in the right fields. Even then, good jobs are disappearing - to 
				low-wage countries, in growing numbers, so what's left are fewer 
				opportunities as the nation eats its seed corn. 
				 
				That would have been unimaginable when modern corporations 
				emerged around 1855. Necessity was the reason. Large-scale 
				production needs capital and more than individuals can raise. 
				Corporations get it (like today) by selling shares to investors. 
				By the 1870s, an earlier version of today's America emerged. One 
				author called it the age of "Robber Barons" with names still 
				familiar to most. They were predators very skilled at their 
				trade - monopolizing markets, skimming millions from corruption, 
				speculating wildly, exploiting workers brutishly, and getting 
				away with it with friendly government help. It's no different 
				today except the stakes are greater and risks unimaginable.
				 
				Earlier, mergers became common. Before WW I, they combined 
				businesses producing like things like steel and oil. By the 
				1920s, vertically conglomerates emerged of the type so common 
				today - like a GE owning appliance, media, finance and other 
				dissimilar companies.
				 
				They became multinationals (MNCs) in the 1960s, then 
				transnationals (TNCs) in the 1980s operating everywhere. They're 
				huge, powerful and in many cases larger in GDP equivalent than 
				their host countries. The buzzword is globalization. Protests 
				are for global justice. Little so far is in sight. Hopefully it 
				will come. The need is overwhelming, but challenges against it 
				are daunting:
				 
				-- hugely powerful TNCs;
				 
				-- governments in their pocket;
				 
				-- extremes of wealth concentration and power increasing;
				 
				-- destructive militarism for more; capitalism requires it;
				 
				-- people exploitation enhances it;
				 
				-- consumerism keeps it profitable; 
				 
				-- efficiency also as well collateral ecological fallout.
				 
				It's horrific - enormous waste; destructive wars; and little 
				relief in times of peace: conglomerated production and 
				agriculture; exploited labor; extreme wealth disparities; 
				commodifying everything; planned obsolescence; productive 
				overcapacity; unemployment and underemployment; racism; people 
				as production inputs to be used and discarded like waste; and 
				deep-seated levels of corruption.
				 
				As companies grow, things worsen in our war-addicted economy 
				profiting business and government together - a mutually 
				destructive alliance. Their gain is civil society's loss, and 
				the stakes keep getting greater. It's what Dowd means by a world 
				"at the cliff's edge." 
				 
				Part II - The Global Spread, Functioning, and Breakdown of 
				Industrial Capitalism, 1815 - 1945 - From Imperialism to WW I
				 
				Dowd gives a sweeping review of 130 years through WW II's end. 
				Of necessity, this account is briefer. Britain was dominant in 
				the 19th and early 20th century through WW I. Inevitably it was 
				challenged by Germany's science and educational superiority and 
				America's incomparable strengths. These three nations and other 
				European ones "unleashed the 19th century version of 
				colonialism. It was called imperialism (and it) made colonialism 
				look tame." By the late 19th century, resource needs "were 
				raging," and competition intense to secure them.
				 
				Consider Africa - resource rich and "doomed to endure one set of 
				disasters after another." Slavery gave way to endless civil wars 
				to ruthless imperial exploitation. The Congo was typical and 
				most important as the continent's  greatest prize - an 
				abundance of ivory, cobalt, copper, rubber, diamonds, gold, 
				zinc, manganese and more in a country the size of western 
				Europe. 
				 
				Belgium's King Leopold took it as his private fiefdom, sucked 
				out its riches at the cost of millions of lives, and the country 
				remained a colony until post-WW II. Popular protests won 
				liberation as in other African states. Patrice Lumumba became 
				its first Prime Minister. He wanted Africa freed from European 
				dominance, and he paid with his life for his efforts. The 
				continent is no better off today. America exploits it most. Oil 
				and its other resources are coveted, and no independent leaders 
				are tolerated. 
				 
				The war in Somalia and challenging Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe 
				highlight the continent's crisis (and nations everywhere). By 
				19th century's end, European powers controlled all of it. Today 
				America is preeminent and intends to remain so.
				 
				Asian history is similar and a lot more than about China and 
				Japan. There's the subcontinent, Central, and Southeast Asia for 
				a vitally important world region. Add the Middle East and its 
				vast oil riches that were discovered early in the last century.
				 
				The US was least aggressive but not quiescent. In the 19th 
				century, it took America and half of Mexico, then added Hawaii, 
				Guam, the Philippines, Puerto Rico, the Dominican Republic, 
				Samoa, assorted other territories, the Canal Zone and control of 
				Cuba with in perpetuity Guantanamo Bay rights so long as rent is 
				paid or unless both countries back out by mutual consent. 
				Looking back, it was mere prelude to far greater 20th century 
				aims, especially post-WW II when they extended everywhere and 
				now include space.
				 
				1914-1945: The Most Disastrous Years in History
				 
				Dowd is blunt, and who can disagree. He calls the period between 
				WWs I and II "the most turbulent and disastrous in all of 
				recorded history." Economically the global economy suffered. 
				Many countries endured depressions that were only exceeded by 
				the "most severe conflicts in their history." Britain was one, 
				and its economic troubles emerged in the late 19th century. 
				Brits created "the first world economy." It was strongest 
				militarily, the envy of all Europe, and it became a recipe for 
				rivalries. Who'd be able to create an empire first and be strong 
				enough to keep it. It led to WW I, a flawed peace, years of 
				chaos, conflict and convulsions leading to another great war 
				that the first one was supposed to prevent.
				 
				Except for the Great Depression, America was spared, and is now 
				the world's only superpower. Post-WW I, the US emerged 
				strengthened. For its part, Britain was effectively bankrupt. 
				The war took its toll as it did against the continent's other 
				combatants. It turned the 1920s into years of "serious 
				recession, economic slack, withdrawal from international trade," 
				and the rise of fascism as an antidote to hard times. WW II was 
				a war to end it. Instead, it merely slowed it, then relocated it 
				to America - first in "friendly" form, but post-9/11 in 
				increasingly new millennium despotism. What Peter Dale Scott 
				calls the "deep state" - unaccountable, lawless, below the 
				radar, self-serving against the public interest and operative 
				for decades but near omnipotent today. Its classic elements are 
				mostly evident and worrisome:
				 
				-- severe repression;
				 
				-- de facto one-party rule;
				 
				-- despotic laws backing it;
				 
				-- courts supporting it;
				 
				-- iron-fisted militarism and "homeland security" enforcement;
				 
				-- a permanent state of war;
				 
				-- institutionalized illegal spying;
				 
				-- stifling dissent;
				 
				-- stealing elections;
				 
				-- a claimed messianic mission;
				 
				-- outlandish racism and targeting racial and ethnic groups on 
				the pretext of fighting "terrorism;" and
				 
				-- corporatism writ large with strong elements of patriotism, 
				nationalism, yet calling it democracy.
				 
				Post-WW I, Dowd traced its rise in Italy, Germany, and Japan 
				with a fundamental lesson for today - democracy and freedom are 
				fragile. Given the right circumstances, they're easily 
				manipulated and corrupted. Earlier the world paid dearly. Today 
				it still does. The dangers are overwhelming. 
				 
				1945 - 1950: From the Ashes Arising
				 
				WW II left most of Europe and large parts of Asia in ruins. 
				America remained untouched and triumphant. Rebuilding began but 
				for a purpose - to solidify US dominance, create foreign markets 
				for business, and fabricate a Soviet threat for an emergent 
				military-industrial complex. Enter the Marshall Plan, IMF, World 
				Bank, GATT, the Cold War, NATO, and stationing US forces 
				everywhere in ways unimaginable for another country to do here.
				 
				Japan became "an immense aircraft carrier (and US) naval 
				base...." West Germany was much the same on the continent. The 
				Depression was over, the great war won, America was triumphant, 
				so on to the next great quest - advancing "capitalist 
				development: monopoly capitalism and the Cold War." 
				 
				The Wars in Korea and Vietnam
				 
				Liberation helped neither country at a time of Cold War 
				strategy. Things got worse and then some - division; horrific 
				wars; and millions killed, wounded, displaced and immiserated. 
				Wounds are still healing, South Korea still occupied, the North 
				isolated, tensions still high, and Vietnam is chemically 
				contaminated and a US offshore sweatshop.
				 
				Dowd reviews the histories and concludes: "To those who cheer 
				our 'victory' in the Cold War, our fist-shaking against the 
				'axis of evil,' and our 'mission accomplished' in Iraq, here is 
				a request - Dear Uncle Sam: Spare us your victories." They 
				reveal deceit, betrayal and conquest for world dominance.
				 
				More on Dowd's book follows in Part II. Watch for it soon on 
				this web site.
				 
				Stephen Lendman is a Research Associate of the 
				Centre for Research on Globalization. He lives in Chicago and 
				can be reached at lendmanstephen@sbcglobal.net.
				 
				Also visit his blog site at sjlendman.blogspot.com and listen to 
				The Global Research News Hour on RepublicBroadcasting.org 
				Mondays from 11AM to 1PM US Central time for cutting-edge 
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