Can I Have My Change Back: 
		Arab-Americans and Obama's False Hope 
		By Remi Kanazi
		ccun.org, February 7, 2008
		Editor's Note:
		The author of this article, Remi 
		Kanazi, is trying to lower expectations of Arab Americans towards 
		Barack Obama. He may be right but he does not provide any alternative. 
		The other front runners are not better than him when it comes to Arab 
		Americans and Muslim Americans and their causes. Any way, every vote 
		counts and Arab Americans and Muslim Americans should use their right to 
		vote. In 2000 presidential election, the difference between Bush and 
		Gore was only about 526 votes in a Florida county, which influenced the 
		final election results.
		***
		
		At what point does an individual stop supporting the lesser of two 
		evils? The question became particularly important this primary race, as 
		one man ascended to political stardom ostensibly breaking free from the 
		evils of mainstream politics and creating a platform based on hope and 
		change. This transcendent figure is presidential hopeful Barack Obama.
		
		 
		Searching for substantive policy, I began to chip away at Obama’s 
		political posturing, and came to a daunting conclusion: there are a 
		multitude of reasons one shouldn’t vote for Barack Obama, especially 
		those within the Arab-American community.
		 
		Senator Obama is not anti-war, nor does he genuinely seek appropriate 
		alternatives to militarism in the Middle East. Arab-Americans and 
		putative leftists naively, and sometimes willfully, overlook the fact 
		that he is an ardent supporter of the invasion, bombing, and ongoing 
		occupation of Afghanistan. One also cannot dismiss that his views are 
		consistent with the Democratic Party platform, which aspires to refocus 
		on Afghanistan. Such views bode well with Obama’s plan to deploy 
		additional troops and increase funding, but as with the case in Iraq, it 
		will only intensify the struggles of the civilian population of 
		Afghanistan. Obama fully supported the Lebanon war (even as the Israeli 
		military killed hundreds of Lebanese civilians and leveled civilian 
		infrastructure with tens of thousands of US-shipped cluster bombs), and 
		played up his pro-Israel rhetoric nearly as much as his current 
		democratic opponent, Hilary Clinton. As with nearly every other 
		candidate, Obama fully supports Israel’s 40 year occupation of 
		Palestinian land and dutifully endorsed the besiegement of Gaza. 
		Surprisingly, this is a politician who once curried favor with prominent 
		members of the Palestinian community, attending a community fundraiser 
		in which Edward Said was the keynote speaker, dining with Rashid Khalidi 
		in Chicago, and receiving praise from Ali Abuminah during his time as a 
		state senator. Domestically, his shift to the right is glaringly 
		apparent, reflecting weaker stances on undocumented residents, the 
		patriot act, gay rights, and a host of other domestic issues. 
		 
		Obama may have voiced opposition to the Iraq war five years ago, but his 
		“courage” came at a time when it minimally affected his political 
		aspirations. Since entering the senate, he has voted in favor of nearly 
		300 billion dollars in war appropriations and will continue to 
		appropriate billions more if elected president. Obama is already playing 
		up his ability to be hawkish on foreign policy (e.g. his illustrious 
		declaration that he’d bomb Pakistan on “actionable intelligence”) and 
		has tried to validate himself as a “tough when necessary” type of 
		leader. 
		 
		Post-911, inexperience with foreign affairs has been a sore point for 
		all democrats. There is nothing more troubling than a field of 
		candidates trying to prove themselves to their opposition. One only 
		needs to look at the rise of Amir Peretz as Defense Minister in Israel. 
		He was a well-known leftist against the Israeli occupation before coming 
		into office. In an attempt to demonstrate his intestinal fortitude and 
		establish himself among the Israeli public, he championed the 
		destruction of Lebanon, and defended the decision as fervently as any 
		right-wing activist. At best, Obama’s inexperience will limit his 
		capacity to control the military occupation of Iraq, as it would every 
		democrat and most republicans during the inaugural year. Additionally, 
		expectation for his vaguely outlined phased withdrawal, which creeps 
		well into midterm election campaigning, further denies the mechanics of 
		mainstream American politics and Congressional trepidation. No democrat 
		or republican can afford to lose seats in the house and senate; it’s 
		precisely why little is achieved during election years. Potential voters 
		may find it useful to recall the excitement engendered after the 2006 
		midterm elections when a pullout was “imminent;” assurances were given 
		that mass hearings would take place on Capitol Hill, and accountability 
		was declared to be the wave of the future. Predictably, campaigning 
		supplanted accountability, while the people of Iraq were left hanging in 
		the balance. Ultimately, no viable political candidate will be able to 
		pull out of Iraq before the 2010 elections. 
		 
		Contrary to public perception, Obama is not a humanitarian. He 
		consistently places the onus of solving the conflict in Iraq on the 
		Iraqi people alone, absolving the US of its responsibility for an 
		illegal invasion and occupation. Nor does he support a sustainable 
		future for the Iraqi people or their right to reparations; rather, he 
		supports an eventual end to the war primarily to alleviate America’s 
		financial and militaristic burden. His position illustrates a profound 
		difference between a humanistic and militaristic approach to Iraq, the 
		latter of which will have a dramatic negative effect on Iraq’s civilian 
		population. Moreover, Obama squarely blames Iraqis for their own misery, 
		focusing little attention on the US campaign. The incessant mantra that 
		Iraqis refuse to pull themselves up by their bootstraps and accept 
		democracy ignores a simple reality: it was never presented to them in 
		the first place, nor has there been a serious attempt to rebuild Iraq 
		infrastructurally or economically.
		 
		Arab-Americans should not be confused. No matter how appetizing the 
		Bobby Kennedy-style rhetoric and charismatic speeches may be, if our 
		community keeps acquiescing to the status quo, it will never change. We 
		must begin building solid coalitions with other groups that face similar 
		challenges (i.e. the Latino and African-American community), or our 
		small vote will amount to little more than election-time pandering. 
		Unfortunately, organizational work and outreach is in its infancy 
		stages. Many of the organizations that purportedly speak for us have 
		become part of the system, consequently stripping away their 
		constituents of their legitimate demands. Furthermore, our community has 
		become enthralled with general election politics, but it isn’t 
		sufficiently focused on working at the state and local levels, where we 
		can have the most impact. Barack Obama may lend more support to our 
		issues than Mike Huckabee, but if our community starts supporting 
		candidates who do not recognize our plight (as well as the plight of 
		other minority groups) our community at home and our families abroad 
		will suffer for endorsing him.
		 
		One question still remains: which viable candidate is left to vote for? 
		Unfortunately, in its existing capacity, our vote isn’t strong enough to 
		make a viable impact. Reaching out to prospective candidates can be 
		effective, but it must be coupled with a plan to comprehensively inform 
		the field of where we stand on the issues. Enthusiastically endorsing 
		candidates who refuse to appreciate our concerns is a fundamentally 
		flawed approach. If the system is broken and the game of Washington 
		politics is corrupt, then playing it with a weak hand only strengthens 
		that system. The naysayer will proclaim that our votes count in swing 
		states. Yet, if this was truly the case, our vote would be coveted, not 
		ignored. No viable candidate on either side of the aisle even bothered 
		to show up to the Arab-American Institute's National Leadership 
		Conference in Michigan, where the largest portion of our constituency 
		resides. 
		 
		Our current predicament underscores the limitation of the two-party 
		system: small voices have no voices. The only way to build a better 
		future for the Arab-American community and positively impact policy 
		toward the Arab world is to invest in ourselves, and begin to build 
		coalitions, where smaller voices can come together to effectively change 
		society.  This method will legitimately allow us to empower ourselves 
		without acceding to a blind principled stance. We can’t just hope for a 
		better future; we have to work for it, and sadly, the empty rhetoric 
		spewed by Barack Obama, and the rest of the mainstream candidates, only 
		serve to solidify our problems in perpetuity. So, Yalla Vote! But do it 
		in good conscience, and in a way that makes sense for our community.
		 
		Remi Kanazi is a Palestinian-American poet and writer based in New York 
		City. He is the co-founder of 
		www.PoeticInjustice.net and the editor of the forthcoming anthology 
		of poetry, Poets for Palestine. He can be contacted at 
		remroum@gmail.com.