Can I Have My Change Back:
Arab-Americans and Obama's False Hope
By Remi Kanazi
ccun.org, February 7, 2008
Editor's Note:
The author of this article, Remi
Kanazi, is trying to lower expectations of Arab Americans towards
Barack Obama. He may be right but he does not provide any alternative.
The other front runners are not better than him when it comes to Arab
Americans and Muslim Americans and their causes. Any way, every vote
counts and Arab Americans and Muslim Americans should use their right to
vote. In 2000 presidential election, the difference between Bush and
Gore was only about 526 votes in a Florida county, which influenced the
final election results.
***
At what point does an individual stop supporting the lesser of two
evils? The question became particularly important this primary race, as
one man ascended to political stardom ostensibly breaking free from the
evils of mainstream politics and creating a platform based on hope and
change. This transcendent figure is presidential hopeful Barack Obama.
Searching for substantive policy, I began to chip away at Obama’s
political posturing, and came to a daunting conclusion: there are a
multitude of reasons one shouldn’t vote for Barack Obama, especially
those within the Arab-American community.
Senator Obama is not anti-war, nor does he genuinely seek appropriate
alternatives to militarism in the Middle East. Arab-Americans and
putative leftists naively, and sometimes willfully, overlook the fact
that he is an ardent supporter of the invasion, bombing, and ongoing
occupation of Afghanistan. One also cannot dismiss that his views are
consistent with the Democratic Party platform, which aspires to refocus
on Afghanistan. Such views bode well with Obama’s plan to deploy
additional troops and increase funding, but as with the case in Iraq, it
will only intensify the struggles of the civilian population of
Afghanistan. Obama fully supported the Lebanon war (even as the Israeli
military killed hundreds of Lebanese civilians and leveled civilian
infrastructure with tens of thousands of US-shipped cluster bombs), and
played up his pro-Israel rhetoric nearly as much as his current
democratic opponent, Hilary Clinton. As with nearly every other
candidate, Obama fully supports Israel’s 40 year occupation of
Palestinian land and dutifully endorsed the besiegement of Gaza.
Surprisingly, this is a politician who once curried favor with prominent
members of the Palestinian community, attending a community fundraiser
in which Edward Said was the keynote speaker, dining with Rashid Khalidi
in Chicago, and receiving praise from Ali Abuminah during his time as a
state senator. Domestically, his shift to the right is glaringly
apparent, reflecting weaker stances on undocumented residents, the
patriot act, gay rights, and a host of other domestic issues.
Obama may have voiced opposition to the Iraq war five years ago, but his
“courage” came at a time when it minimally affected his political
aspirations. Since entering the senate, he has voted in favor of nearly
300 billion dollars in war appropriations and will continue to
appropriate billions more if elected president. Obama is already playing
up his ability to be hawkish on foreign policy (e.g. his illustrious
declaration that he’d bomb Pakistan on “actionable intelligence”) and
has tried to validate himself as a “tough when necessary” type of
leader.
Post-911, inexperience with foreign affairs has been a sore point for
all democrats. There is nothing more troubling than a field of
candidates trying to prove themselves to their opposition. One only
needs to look at the rise of Amir Peretz as Defense Minister in Israel.
He was a well-known leftist against the Israeli occupation before coming
into office. In an attempt to demonstrate his intestinal fortitude and
establish himself among the Israeli public, he championed the
destruction of Lebanon, and defended the decision as fervently as any
right-wing activist. At best, Obama’s inexperience will limit his
capacity to control the military occupation of Iraq, as it would every
democrat and most republicans during the inaugural year. Additionally,
expectation for his vaguely outlined phased withdrawal, which creeps
well into midterm election campaigning, further denies the mechanics of
mainstream American politics and Congressional trepidation. No democrat
or republican can afford to lose seats in the house and senate; it’s
precisely why little is achieved during election years. Potential voters
may find it useful to recall the excitement engendered after the 2006
midterm elections when a pullout was “imminent;” assurances were given
that mass hearings would take place on Capitol Hill, and accountability
was declared to be the wave of the future. Predictably, campaigning
supplanted accountability, while the people of Iraq were left hanging in
the balance. Ultimately, no viable political candidate will be able to
pull out of Iraq before the 2010 elections.
Contrary to public perception, Obama is not a humanitarian. He
consistently places the onus of solving the conflict in Iraq on the
Iraqi people alone, absolving the US of its responsibility for an
illegal invasion and occupation. Nor does he support a sustainable
future for the Iraqi people or their right to reparations; rather, he
supports an eventual end to the war primarily to alleviate America’s
financial and militaristic burden. His position illustrates a profound
difference between a humanistic and militaristic approach to Iraq, the
latter of which will have a dramatic negative effect on Iraq’s civilian
population. Moreover, Obama squarely blames Iraqis for their own misery,
focusing little attention on the US campaign. The incessant mantra that
Iraqis refuse to pull themselves up by their bootstraps and accept
democracy ignores a simple reality: it was never presented to them in
the first place, nor has there been a serious attempt to rebuild Iraq
infrastructurally or economically.
Arab-Americans should not be confused. No matter how appetizing the
Bobby Kennedy-style rhetoric and charismatic speeches may be, if our
community keeps acquiescing to the status quo, it will never change. We
must begin building solid coalitions with other groups that face similar
challenges (i.e. the Latino and African-American community), or our
small vote will amount to little more than election-time pandering.
Unfortunately, organizational work and outreach is in its infancy
stages. Many of the organizations that purportedly speak for us have
become part of the system, consequently stripping away their
constituents of their legitimate demands. Furthermore, our community has
become enthralled with general election politics, but it isn’t
sufficiently focused on working at the state and local levels, where we
can have the most impact. Barack Obama may lend more support to our
issues than Mike Huckabee, but if our community starts supporting
candidates who do not recognize our plight (as well as the plight of
other minority groups) our community at home and our families abroad
will suffer for endorsing him.
One question still remains: which viable candidate is left to vote for?
Unfortunately, in its existing capacity, our vote isn’t strong enough to
make a viable impact. Reaching out to prospective candidates can be
effective, but it must be coupled with a plan to comprehensively inform
the field of where we stand on the issues. Enthusiastically endorsing
candidates who refuse to appreciate our concerns is a fundamentally
flawed approach. If the system is broken and the game of Washington
politics is corrupt, then playing it with a weak hand only strengthens
that system. The naysayer will proclaim that our votes count in swing
states. Yet, if this was truly the case, our vote would be coveted, not
ignored. No viable candidate on either side of the aisle even bothered
to show up to the Arab-American Institute's National Leadership
Conference in Michigan, where the largest portion of our constituency
resides.
Our current predicament underscores the limitation of the two-party
system: small voices have no voices. The only way to build a better
future for the Arab-American community and positively impact policy
toward the Arab world is to invest in ourselves, and begin to build
coalitions, where smaller voices can come together to effectively change
society. This method will legitimately allow us to empower ourselves
without acceding to a blind principled stance. We can’t just hope for a
better future; we have to work for it, and sadly, the empty rhetoric
spewed by Barack Obama, and the rest of the mainstream candidates, only
serve to solidify our problems in perpetuity. So, Yalla Vote! But do it
in good conscience, and in a way that makes sense for our community.
Remi Kanazi is a Palestinian-American poet and writer based in New York
City. He is the co-founder of
www.PoeticInjustice.net and the editor of the forthcoming anthology
of poetry, Poets for Palestine. He can be contacted at
remroum@gmail.com.